sn83035487 1852-05-22 ed-1: segmentation, region by region

LoC issue · American Stories revision 77e27fa6

Same LoC scan for 4 of 4 pages.

4 American Stories boxes lie inside another of its boxes (p. 2: #1 inside #9; p. 2: #24 inside #10; p. 3: #12 inside #20; p. 3: #46 inside #1). Nothing in AS's data marks or explains it: its layout detection boxed the same print twice (a column and an item in it, say) and both were OCR'd and published as articles. We compare every AS article as published; where both copies fall inside one of our components, the shorter is set aside and counted once as text AS has twice, not as another article.

Scorecard

Each comparison starts from a snewpapers component. "=" means both systems drew the same article. Where they differ, a language model, shown only the text, was asked which is right, twice, with the two claims stated in each order.

Where the two segmentations agree or differ

	times	snewpapers right	AS right	neither	unsure	page furniture, not counted
Same article on both sides (=)	34	–	–	–	–	–
One snewpapers component, several AS articles (1 : N)	10	10	0	0	0	–
Several snewpapers components, one AS article (N : 1)	1	1	0	0	0	–
One snewpapers component, one AS article running on into other text	0	0	0	–	0	0
AS text attached outside a snewpapers component	7	1	0	–	0	6
A line of a snewpapers component in another AS article	2	1	0	–	0	1

Unsure: the verdict changed when the two claims were stated in the other order, or no valid answer came back. Neither: the model found both segmentations wrong. Page furniture: the text was a line or two that could be a title, section title or the like, which one system leaves out by design, so it decides nothing.

Where only one side has text

	times
snewpapers component, AS has no text, no AS box there (an AS error)	1
snewpapers component, AS has no text, AS marked it illegible (an AS error)	0
snewpapers component, AS has text for under 90% of it, the rest in no AS box (an AS error)	0
snewpapers component, AS has text for under 90% of it, the rest marked illegible (an AS error)	0
AS text in no snewpapers component: ads, terms or page furniture (left out on purpose)	15
… of which ads (AS says it leaves ads out)	12
AS text in no snewpapers component: other content snewpapers does not serve	2
AS text in no snewpapers component: too short to ask	1
AS boxes in no snewpapers component with no text at all (AS read nothing)	1
AS text in no snewpapers component: no verdict	0

What the decisions judged

	judged wrong	judged right
American Stories articles	26	0
snewpapers components	0	22

Each article or component a decision was about, once per side: one story split into 15 AS articles and decided for snewpapers is 15 AS articles judged wrong.

American Stories errors found

	errors	decisions
items of ours AS merged into one article	13	1
fragment articles AS split our components into	26	10
lines of ours AS put in another article	1	1
AS articles running on into other items	0	0
AS articles missing part of a component (under 90%)	0	–
our components AS has no text for	1	–
pages of our components AS lacks the text for	0	–
text AS has twice	2	–
ads AS kept (it says it leaves ads out)	12	–
AS boxes it marked illegible that snewpapers read	0	–

Text quality: words found in an English word list

	real words	words	share
snewpapers	17,110	17,146	99.8%
American Stories	16,165	17,084	94.6%
American Stories boxed area it marked illegible and did not read	–	–	0.5%

Over the 56 components of ours AS has text inside, the same text on both sides; words of 3 or more letters, a long s read as f allowed. Components where more of the text is real words: snewpapers 47 · AS 0 · the same 9.

How this was scored

Every comparison is anchored on a snewpapers component and the American Stories boxes inside it. Where those boxes belong to several AS articles (or several of our components lie inside one AS article), the model was shown the passage as the numbered pieces and asked whether it is one component, several or mixed, twice, with the two beliefs stated, unattributed, in each order. A verdict that changed with the order is unstable and counts for neither side. AS text inside none of our components was asked whether it is advertisements, terms or page furniture, which snewpapers leaves out on purpose. Where AS attaches text outside one of our components (text of an AS article our component otherwise has), the model was shown our component's text and the attached text and asked whether the text belongs to the component, twice, the two beliefs stated in each order: "separate" means snewpapers is right, "belongs" American Stories. Where two AS articles inside one of our components hold the same text (the shorter sharing at least 50% of its 4-word phrases with the longer), the longer is kept and the text counted as duplicated by American Stories; so is attached text another AS article also holds. Where American Stories has a line or two of our component (at most 12 words and 5% of its area) in another AS article while one article holds the rest, the line is no split: the model was shown the rest of the AS text and the line and asked whether the line belongs to the component, both ways; "belongs" means snewpapers is right and judges only the article holding the line wrong (lines in another AS article). One AS article counts as a match only when the two cover each other, both ways: AS text covers at least 90% of our component, and our component at least 90% of that AS article's text. Coverage is measured line by line down each column (how much of its height the other side's boxes span, so a centred headline narrower than its column still counts). Under 90% the first way, the component is partly captured by AS (the rest in no AS box, or marked illegible): not asked, an AS error by the geometry, its AS article judged wrong (AS articles missing part of ours). Under 90% the second way, the AS article runs on beyond our component into other text: that text is asked about as text attached outside, and "separate" judges the AS article wrong (AS articles running on into other items). Decisions are the unit counted above; the last table counts what they judged: an as_split decided "one" is one decision and every AS article inside our component judged wrong, an N ours : 1 AS decided "several" one decision and each of our N components judged right (an article or component judged both ways by different decisions counts in both rows). AS errors count what the decisions for snewpapers found American Stories got wrong, next to those decisions: an N ours : 1 AS is N errors, the N items of ours AS failed to separate (items AS merged), a 1 ours : N AS N errors, the N AS fragment articles. A component inside an N ours : 1 AS (its AS text a slice of the merged article) is counted in the components table by that decision's outcome. A component running over pages is one comparison across them (American Stories never links an article across pages): its AS articles on all its pages, labelled by page, are the pieces asked about, once; it counts once among our components, and a decision for snewpapers judges every one of those AS articles wrong, each a fragment article.

groups	78
1:1 match	34
1 ours : N AS	10
N ours : 1 AS	1
in N ours : 1 AS	12
continued	1
ours only	1
AS only	17
AS only, tiny	1
AS only, no text	1
1:1, AS partial	0
1:1, AS article wider	0
snewpapers covered by AS (area)	95.6%
AS covered by ours (area)	88.4%
median text ratio over matches	97.0
AS duplicated text	2
AS text attached outside ours	7

How to read this

Each group is the same crop of the scan twice: snewpapers' boxes on the left, American Stories' on the right. The group's own boxes are outlined in red. Groups are in page position order (column by column), not reading order. A component can appear twice: in its own case and in an N ours : 1 AS group. Text of a component's own AS articles printed outside the component is left out of the comparison and shown beneath the group as "American Stories also attaches: «…» (outside this component)".

1:1 match	the AS text inside our component (boxes, or the slices of boxes it overlaps) all belongs to one AS article (or to several that duplicate one another: American Stories duplicated the text)
1 ours : N AS	the AS text inside our component belongs to several AS articles: one component or several?
N ours : 1 AS	two or more of our components lie inside one AS article (80% or more of each, or 50% or more with a slice of the article): one component or several?
in N ours : 1 AS	all the AS text inside our component is a slice of an AS article that holds other components of ours too: no agreement (the slice is cut along our boundaries, not AS's); decided by that N ours : 1 AS
continued	a later page of a component of ours running over pages: compared, asked and decided once, across its pages, in the group on its first page
ours only	no AS box overlaps our component enough to give it a slice: not captured by American Stories
AS only	AS text inside none of our components (one AS article's): left out on purpose, or missed?
AS only, tiny	AS text inside none of our components, under 20 characters: not asked
AS only, no text	an AS article inside none of our components with no text at all (AS boxed it but read nothing, most often marking it illegible): nothing to ask, counted for neither side
1:1, AS partial	the AS text inside our component all belongs to one AS article, but AS has text for under 90% of our component, measured line by line (the rest is in no AS box, or AS marked it illegible): partly captured by American Stories, not asked; its AS article counts as an AS error
1:1, AS article wider	one AS article holds our component, but runs on beyond it into other text (our component covers under 90% of the article's text, measured line by line): the text it runs into is asked about, and decides it

snewpapers:newsopinionnoticescommercepeopleliterarylistingsother

American Stories:articleheadlineauthor

only in snewpapersonly in American Stories(words compared lowercase, without punctuation)

Page 1 (7 groups)

AS onlycorrectly not servedAS #7 p1-1

subscription terms or colophon: This text gives the newspaper's title/masthead along with subscription terms ('Terms: $... per annum') and instructions for correspondence, i.e. subscription terms/colophon material rather than a discrete advertisement or article.

American Stories boxes — American Stories

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

THE ANTI.SLAVERY BUGLE,

Published every Saturday, at salem, Col. Co., {

P"5IsFed every saturday, at Salem, Cot. Co., o,

TRRNs.-$ 80 per annum If paid in advance.

Sl,75 per annum If paid within the first six months of the subscribers year.

$500 per annum, if payment be delayed beyond six months.

WWe occasionally send numbers to those who are not subscribers, but who arc believed to be interested in the dissemination of anti-sa- very truth, with the hope that they will either subscribe themselves. or use their influence to extendits circulation among their friends.

decentralization intended for insertion. to be addressed to MARtus Il. RoBNsoN, Editor, AL others to ENLY RoBrNsoN, Publishing Ag't.

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightstory ↔ AS #8, AS #1 p1-2 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 96.7 · token set 90.9 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 95% AS attaches text outside it

stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): Piece [2] is the continuation of the sermon begun in [1], running on mid-sentence from 'all can' to 'here see at a glance,' so the whole passage is a single article.
stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The two pieces are a continuous sermon report; [1] ends mid-sentence and [2] picks up the same sentence, so they form a single article.

American Stories also attaches: «T HE B U G L E i.» (outside this component; AS article #8) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is the newspaper's masthead/title, page furniture that should not decide which segmentation system is correct.
stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is a small masthead/fragment line ('The Bugle'), i.e., page furniture, not part of the article.

snewpapers

From the N. Y. Tribune.

The Duty of Society to Criminals and Discharged Convicts.

Rev. Mr. Storms, of Brooklyn, delivered a very eloquent sermon upon the above subject, on Sunday, at the Church of the Messiah, Broadway, before a numerous congregation. The Rev. gentleman took for his text the last clause of the 36th verse, 25th chapter of Matthew—"I was in prison and ye came unto me." He commenced by taking a general view of the duty of Christians to those who have deviated from the paths of rectitude and virtue. There are two great principles of the Christian character,—the first to feed the mind with the doctrines of Christ; the second to give food and clothing and comfort where they are needed. This is true Christian charity. It is to save: the same sublime virtue which is expressed by Christ in his mission. By the careful labor of Christian men, Asylums have been established, Retreats and Institutions have been formed, which have exerted the most beneficial influences upon mankind. Christianity can point to what Infidelity or Paganism cannot show.—Asylums are her trophies—her field is the world, which is emblazoned on her banners.

The first class of criminals, said the speaker, are those who have been entrapped by older villains. There are such persons in all our prisons. The second class is larger in number: those who have been trained in vice from their youth, and who have had no education but in sin. Those are generally trained in cities or in the outskirts of large towns. The child is thus made familiar with sin, and its only thought is to hide it. It is therefore not wonderful that they pursue a sinful course, and become the inmates of prisons. There is not one of those but who might walk the earth as a useful member of society, had he received proper training. In such souls there is always occasion for courage and hope. The worst and smallest class are those who have had examples of parental piety, but who are, notwithstanding, depraved. Of such men, doubtless, there is small hope; although some even of them have been saved against hope; and they may be reclaimed.—They are like us, with human hearts, susceptible of being impressed with sentiments of Christianity.

It is clear that criminals cannot be relieved from punishment, when that punishment is just; but when the conviction is illegal, it becomes society to exert its influence in this behalf; and where the law under which they have been convicted is unjust, it is obligatory on Christianity to urge its repeal; but a just law conserves and advances the interests of society. It is intended to educate the criminal, and the carefullest vigilance should be exercised in the appointment of those having charge of those unfortunates. The speaker alluded to sympathy for the criminal in consequence of the pain he was sentenced to undergo for real crime, as pernicious and exerting a bad influence; and in substantiation, adverted to the Apostle Paul, who says: "If I have been an offender and deserve death, I refuse not to die." Our efforts should be to save criminals, morally. The deposit of power, continued the speaker, is always dangerous in the hands it is placed in; and in this connection he urged the necessity of appointing men as jailors whose example and influence would tend to reform those over whom he exercises the authority of master. This functionary stands before the prisoner as a sort of representative of the society he has left behind. If cruel, he engenders a spirit of revenge, and still keeps him a criminal in feeling. If imbued with Christianity, the influence he exerts will be for the benefit of the criminal. It is, therefore, the duty of society to see that proper men, regardless of political considerations, are selected for these stations. By adopting this course, the first step in the way of reformation will be gained.

The second point dwelt on by the speaker was proximity to crime. A criminal, he continued, put in conjunction with an old offender, will tend to augment his appetite for crime. He becomes saturated with evil which it is hard or even impossible to eradicate. Solitary confinement for long terms, with a view of reformation, he thought impracticable, although he deprecated the custom of convicts mingling together. The best mode would be to confine them solitarily, say for one day in a week, thus giving them time to think and contemplate. For short terms he recommended solitary confinement. Instruction in all useful branches of industry he also recommended, and solitary confinement for short terms would make books attractive, where elsewhere they would have been spurned,—all can here see at a glance the opportunity for Christian instruction.

The criminal is suffering, and he knows it—degraded, and is aware of it, but let the gospel be explained to him in plain terms and by proper men and he will profit by it. There is no better place to reform, under proper instructions.—The bonds which connect the criminal with society are not broken by being imprisoned. He is never lost who shows evidence of reformation, and exertion must be made to win him over.

On his egress from the prison walls Christians should meet him, and extend to him a helping hand, and aid him to find employment, and he will be inclined to pursue an exemplary course thereafter. There are Christian duties, and the duties of society are identical. He recommended that chaplains be appointed to all prisons, and of any sect which the criminal might choose. In conclusion, the Rev. gentleman urged upon all Christians the duty of contributing toward sustaining the Society for the Reformation of Discharged Convicts, of which the late Isaac T. Hopper had been the leading spirit. Its existence in this City has been a center of hope; especially has it accomplished a great and wise work in forming a Home for those who have served the term of confinement. The speaker then entered briefly into the statistics of the Association, which has since its organization relieved nearly one thousand persons, the present state of whom, as far as ascertained, is as follows:

Doing well, 225 | Doubtful, 126 Hopeful, 470 | Returned to prison, 19 Unknown, 137

American Stories

From the y. Y. Tribune. The Duty Of Society 10 Criminals and Discharged COnvlCtS.

Rev. Mr.. STORMS, OF brooklyn, delivered

very eloquent Sermon upon the above subject

on Sunday. at the Church of the Messiah

Broadway, before a numerous congregation

The Rev. gentlemen took for his text the las

clause of the seth verse, 2jth chapter of Math

thcw-"I was in prison and ye camo unto me.

lie commenced by taking general view Of tho

duty of Christian, to those who have dcviatcd

from the paths of rcctitudc and virtue. There

arc two great principles of the Christian char

aoter,--thc first to feed the mind with the doc

trincs Of Christ the second 70 give food and clothing and comfort whore they are needed. This is true Christian charity. 1t is to save The same sublime virtue which is expressed by

Christ in his Nilsson BY the careful labor Of

Christian men, Asyums have been established,

Retreats and Institutions, have been formed

which have cXcrtcd tho most beneficial influ. cnces upon mankind Christianity can point to

what Iniidciiiy or Pagani,m cannot show ASylums are her trophics-hcr field is the world, which is embiagoncd on her banners 49, The first class OF criminals said the speaker

arc those who have been cntrappcd by older villains. There are such persons in all our prisons. The second class is larger in number !: those who have been trained in vice from their YOUTH and who have had no education but in sin. Those arc generally trained in cities or in the outskirts of large towns. The child is thus made familiar with sin, and its only thought is to hide it. 1t is therefore not wonderful that they pursue sinful course, and become the inmates of prisons. There is not one of those but who might walk the earth as useful men, Der of society, had he received proper training. In such souls there is always occasion for cour- age and hope. The worst and smallest class are those who have had examples of parental pioty, but who arc notwithstanding, dcp.avcl OF such men doubtless there is small hope

although some even Of them, have been saved against hope and they may be reclaimed They are like us, with human hearts, suscopti- bic of being impressed with sentiments of Chris tianity. 1t is clear that criminals cannot be re- licvcd from punishment, when that punishment is just but when tho conviction is illegal, it be- comes society to exert its influence in this be- half; and where the law under which they have been convicted is unjust, it is obligatory or Christianity to urge its repeal but a just law conscrvcs and advances the interests Of So

cicty. 1t is intended to educate the criminal, and the carefullest vigilance should be oxcr- csed in the appointment of Il osc having charge of those unfortunates. The speaker alluded to sympathy for the criminal in consequence of the pain he was sentenced to undergo for real crime, as pernicious and exerting bad influence; and in substantiation, adverted to the Apostle Paul, who says " If l have been offender and de- serve death, refuse not to die" Our efforts should be to save criminals, morally. The de- posit of power, continued the speaker, is always dangerous in the hands it is placed in, and in, this connection he urged the necessity of appoin. ting men as jailors whose example and inAu- ence would tend to reform those over VIII ON he exercises the authority of master. This func- tionary stands before the prisoner as a sort of representative of the society he has left be- hind. If cruel,he engenders asprit of revenge, and still keeps him q criminal in feeling. If imbued with Christianity, the influence no ex- erts will be for the benefit of the criminal. It is, therefore, the duty Of society to see that proper men, regardless of political considera- tions, are selected for these stations. By adopt ing this course, the first step in the way of re- formation will be gained The second point dwelt on by the speaker was proximity to crime A criminal he continued, put in conjunction | with an old offender, viii tend to augment his | appetite for crime, He becomes saturated with | evil which II is hard or even impossible to erad- ieate. Solitary confinement for long terms, | with view of reformation, he thought imprac- ticable, although he deprecated the custom of eonyicts minsling together. The best mode would be to confne them solitarily, say for one day in week, thus giving them time to think and contemplate. For short terms he recon- mendcd solitary confinement. Instruction in all useful branches of industry he also recon- mended, and solitary confinement for short terms would make books attractive, where else where they would have been spurned, all can

here see at glance the opportunity for Chris tian instruction.

The criminal is suffering, and he knows it. degraded, and is aware of it, but let the gospel be | explained to him in plain terms and by proper men and he will profit 10y it. There is no better place to reform under proper Instructions | The bonds which connect the criminal with So cicty are not broken by being imprisoned. lie is never lost who shows evidence Of reformation, and cxertion must be made to win him over On his cgrcss from the prison walls Christians should meet him, and extend to him helping hand, and aid him to find employment, and he will be Inclined TO pursue an exemplary course thereafter. There arc Christian duties, and the duties of society are identical. lie recommend cd that cAapans be appointed to all prisons, and Of any sect which tic criminal might choose. In conclusion, the Rev. gentleman urged upon all Chris;ons the duty of contribu- ting toward sustaining the Society for the Re- formation of Discharged Convicts, Of which the late Isaac Hopper had been the leading spirit. Its existence in this City has been a center of hope especially, has it accomplished great and wise work in forming q Home for those who have served the term of confinement. The speaker then entered briefly into the statistics OF the Association, which has since its organiz- ton relieved nearly one thousand persons, the present state of whom, as far as ascertaincd, is as follows:

Doing well, 225 Doubtful, 1876

Hopeful, 40 Returned to prison, 10

Unknown, I37

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #8: begins: "From the y. Y. Tribune. The Duty Of Society 10 Criminals and Discharged COnvlCtS. Rev." … ends: "terms would make books attractive, where else where they would have been spurned, all can"
[2] AS #1: begins: "here see at glance the opportunity for Chris tian instruction. The criminal is suffering, and" … ends: "as follows: Doing well, 225 Doubtful, 1876 Hopeful, 40 Returned to prison, 10 Unknown, I37"

1:1 matchmatchfiller ↔ AS #4 p1-3 ratio 95.3 · token set 89.5 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.96 · ours covers 100% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 97%

snewpapers

The Chances of Life.

Among the interesting facts developed by the recent census are some in relation to the laws that govern life and death. They are based upon returns from the State of Maryland, and a comparison with previous ones. The calculation it is unnecessary to explain but the result is a table from which we gather the following illustration:—Nat. Intelligencer.

10,268 infants are born on the same day and enter upon life simultaneously. Of these 1,243 never reach the anniversary of their births; 9,025 commence the second year; but the proportion of deaths still continues so great that at the end of the third only 8,183, or about four-fifths of the original number, survive.—But during the fourth year the system seems to acquire more strength, and the number of deaths rapidly decreases. It goes on decreasing until twenty-one, the commencement of maturity and the period of highest health. 7,134 enter upon the activities and responsibilities of life—more than two-thirds of the original number. Thirty-five comes, the meridian of manhood, 6,302 have reached it. Twenty years more, and the ranks are thinned. Only 4,727, or less than half of those who entered life fifty-five years ago, are left. And now death comes more frequently. Every year the ratio of mortality steadily increases, and at seventy there are not a thousand survivors. A scattered few live on to the close of the century, and at the age of one hundred and six the drama is ended; the last man is dead.—Albany Journal.

American Stories

The Chances OF Life.

Among the interesting facts developed by the recent census arc some in relation to tho laws that govern lie aud death. They arc based up on returns from the State of Maryland, and a comparison with previous ones. Tho calcula- ton it is unnecessary to explain but the result

is table from which We gather the following illustration MAJ. htcHiycaeer.

l0,2G3 infants arc born on tho same day and enter upon life simultaneously. OF these |, ,2I3 never reach the anniversary of their births /; OOPS commence the second year but tho pro- portion of deaths still continues so great tha at tho end OF the third only S,lS3, or about four hiths of the original number, survive But during the fourth year the system seems to acquire moro strength, and the number of deaths rapidly decreases 1t goes on decreasing until twenty-onc, tho commencement of metu- rity and the period Of highest health. 7,l34 enter upon the activities and responsibilities of lie-morc than two-thirds of the original num- Der. Thirty fvc comes, the meridian of man hood, G,302 have reached il. Twenty years moro, and the ranks are .hinncd. Only 4,727, or less than half of those who entered life fifty five years ago, are left. And now death comes more frequently. Every year the ratio of mortality steadily increases, and at seventy there are not a thousand survivors. A scatter ell few live on to the close of the century, and at the age Of one hundred and six the drama is endcd the last man is dead Albany Journal

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers righteditorial ↔ AS #2, AS #3 p1-4 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 96.1 · token set 89.2 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 96%

stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The second piece is the direct continuation of the sentence and story in the first piece ("those who knew her best could not believe her guilty"), forming a single article on capital punishment.
stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): Piece [2] is simply the continuation of the same capital punishment article that breaks across columns; the sentence flows directly from [1] to [2], so it is a single printed item.

snewpapers

Capital Punishment in Michigan.

Much noise has been made in regard to a presentment made by the Grand Jury of one of the counties in Michigan, in regard to the ill effects attending the repeal of the law of Capital Punishment. This presentment is published in form, every year; but all the facts in regard to it are kept back.—It has just been published by the New York Journal of Commerce, and copied into several papers. The 'Star in the West' meets the matter with the following facts.—Essex Freeman.

1st. The presentment is now some two or three years old. (Have the fearful facts therein stated excited no alarm in the Grand Jury to this day?)

2d. Upon the strength of this presentment the Legislature was petitioned to repeal the law abolishing Capital Punishment.

3d. The Legislature appointed a committee to investigate the subject; and the committee, in the discharge of its duty, elicited the following facts, and reported the same to the Legislature: five murders had been committed in an unusually short time in Wayne County. (Detroit is in this county.) Of these five, two were foreigners who knew nothing of the English language and of course were ignorant of our laws. The other three confessed that they supposed the death penalty still in existence; and one of them actually inquired of the officer who arrested him, if he should be hanged on that day—the day of his arrest. The Legislature, on the receipt of this report, voted that it is inexpedient to legislate upon the subject; a wise decision I think.

In connection with this matter the following statement made by Mr. Broomall, in a speech in the Pennsylvania legislature, is of great interest. The event occurred in Delaware county, and we quote from the Harrisburgh Telegraph;

A young girl of fair character was unfortunate in giving birth to an illegitimate child. Sometime afterwards she made an excuse one afternoon to visit a neighbor, she took the child with her, but returned alone.—Search was made for it and it was found buried in the woods, in the neighborhood.—On these circumstances she was tried and convicted of murder, and sentenced to be hanged; but such had been her previous character, and so apparently discordant to her disposition was the perpetration of such a fearful crime, that those who knew her best could not believe her guilty. But she did not and would not make any explanation or denial of her guilt, until the evening before the execution was to take place; when believing that her fate was sealed she confessed to her brother alone in her cell, that the father of the child had induced her to meet him in the woods under a promise of immediate marriage, when he murdered the child and buried it in her presence, in the place where it was found. She preferred losing her own life innocently, to prosecuting the father of the child, and before a reprieve could be procured from the Governor she was executed. Circumstances afterwards transpired, such as the finding of the letter inviting her to the meeting, and others, which rendered it certain that this is true, and that she had been unjustly condemned. So this brave and generous girl was sacrificed to an unyielding law.

American Stories

Capital Punishment In Michigan.

Much noise has been made in regard To preSrntmcnt made 10y the Grand Jury OF one OF the counties in Michigan, IN regard TO the III effects attending the repeal OF the law OF Capital Punishment. This present meni Is published ia form, every year, but all tile facts IN regard to il are kept back.- il has just been published by the New York Journal OF Commerce, aud copied into sew eral papers. The Star in the West meets the matter with the following iac,s.-EsSer Freeman.

LIST. The presentmcnt is now some two or three years old. (lIave the fearful facts therein stated continued no alarm the Grand Jury TO this day p

I'd. Upon the strength of this present ment the Legislature WIS pcttioned to re- peal the law nholishing Capital Punishment.

ID. The Legislature appointed a commit tee TO investigate the subject; which the con- mlitee IN the discharge OF its duty, ELECTED the following facts, and reported the same TO the Legislature; five murders had been committed in an unusually short time i'm Wayne County. Detroit is in this county.) Of these five, two were foreigners who knew nothing of the English language and OF course were ignorant of our laws. The ohVi HHcc Coulesseu tHht lney supposed the death penalty still in existence; aud one of them actually inquired OF the officer who arrested him, il he should be hanged on that day-the day of his arrest. The Legislature, on the receipt Of this report, voted that il is inexpedient TO legislate upon the subject 3 a wise decision think.

In connection with this matter the follow ing statement made by Mr.. Broomall, in a speech in the Pennsylvania legislature, is of great interest. The event occurred ia Della ware county, and we quote from The Harris burgh Telegraph;

A young girl of fair character was unfor- tunate in giving birth to an illegitimaie child. Sometime afterwards she made an excuse one afternoon TO visit neighbOr, she took the child with her, hut returned alone.- Search was made for it aud it was found buried in the woods, in the neighborhood.- On these circumstances she was tried and convicted of murder, and sentenced 10 be lung but such had been her previous char acter, and so apparently discordant 10 her disposition was the preparation Of such a fearful crime, that those who knew her best

could not believe her guilty. But she did not aud would not make any explanation or denial of her guilt, until the evening before the execution wus to take place; wien he. lieving that her fate was sealed she confessed to her brother alone in her cell, that the faith er of the child had induced her to meet him in the woods under promise of iin- mediate marriage, when he murdered the child aud buried it in her presence, in the place where it was found. She preferred losing her own life innocently, to prosecut- ing the father of the child, aud before re- prievc could he procured from the Governor she was executed. Circumstances after wards lrnnspired, such as tie finding OF the letter inviting her TO the meeting, aud others, which rendered it certain that this is true, and that she had been uujuslly condemned so this brave aud generous girl was sacriiic- ed TO On unyieldng law.

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #2: begins: "Capital Punishment In Michigan. Much noise has been made in regard To preSrntmcnt made 10y" … ends: "disposition was the preparation Of such a fearful crime, that those who knew her best"
[2] AS #3: begins: "could not believe her guilty. But she did not aud would not make any explanation" … ends: "uujuslly condemned so this brave aud generous girl was sacriiic- ed TO On unyieldng law."

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers righteditorial ↔ AS #6 (p. 1), AS #12 (p. 1), AS #9 (p. 1), AS #11 (p. 1), AS #13 (p. 2), AS #6 (p. 2) p1-5 one component across p. 1–2 · 1 snewpapers : 6 AS · ratio 92.2 · token set 84.3 · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 93% AS attaches text outside it continued in p2-1

stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The numbered pieces are continuous text of a single speech by Wendell Phillips, broken only by page and column boundaries (including a run-on mid-sentence from page 1 to page 2); no piece is a distinct printed item, so they form one component.
stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): This is a single continuous newspaper article—Wendell Phillips's speech as printed with its extract headings—running across pages 1 and 2; the numbered pieces are successive column/page segments of the same text, with sentences continuing directly from one to the next.

American Stories also attaches: «WHOLE NO. 34S.» (outside this component; AS article #11) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is a small page-number/issue-number line, a piece of page furniture rather than part of the speech article.
stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): “WHOLE NO. 34S.” is a publication/issue number line, a piece of newspaper furniture rather than part of the speech's content.

snewpapers

From the Liberator.

Extracts from a Speech of Wendell Phillips, Esq.

At the Melodeon, on the first Anniversary of the rendition of Thomas Sims, April 12, 1852.

When the Pulpit preached slave-hunting, and the Law bound the victim, and Society said 'Amen! this will make money'—we were 'fanatics'—'enthusiasts'—'seditious'—'disorganizers'—'scorners of the pulpit'—'traitors.' Genius of the Past! drop not from thy tablets one of these honorable names.—We claim them all, as our surest title deeds to the memory and gratitude of mankind.—We indeed thought Man more than Constitutions: Humanity and Justice of more worth than law. Seal up the record! If Boston is proud of her part, let her rest assured we are not ashamed of ours!

All this has been said so often, that it is useless to dwell on it now. The best use that we can now make of this occasion, it seems to me, is to look about us, take our bearings, and tell the fugitives over whom yet hangs this terrible statute, what course, in our opinion, they should pursue.

And, in the first place, it is neither frank nor honest to keep up the delusive idea that a fugitive slave can be protected in Massachusetts. I hope I am mistaken; I shall be glad to be proved incorrect; but I do not believe there is any such Anti-Slavery sentiment there as is able to protect a fugitive on whom the Government has once laid its hand. We were told this afternoon, from this platform, that there were one hundred and fifty men in one town, ready to come with their muskets to Boston—all they waited for was an invitation. I heard, three weeks before the Sims case, that there were a hundred in one town in Plymouth county, pledged to shoulder their muskets in such a cause. We saw nothing of them. I heard, three weeks after the Sims rendition, that there were two hundred more in the city of Worcester ready to have come, had they been invited. We saw nothing of them.—On such an occasion, from the nature of the case, there cannot be much previous concert; the people must take their own cause into their own hands. Intense earnestness of purpose, pervading large classes, must instinctively perceive the crisis, and gather all spontaneously for the first act which is to organize revolution. When the Court was in pursuit of John Hampden, we are not told that the two thousand men who rode up to London the next morning, to stand between their representative and a king's frown, waited for an invitation. They assembled of their own voluntary and individual purpose, and found themselves in London.—Whenever there is a like determination throughout Massachusetts, it will need no invitation. When, in 1775, the British turned their eyes toward Lexington, the same invitation went out from the Vigilance Committee of Mechanics in Boston, as in our case of April, 1851. Two lanterns on the North Church steeple telegraphed the fact to the country: Revere and Prescott, as they rode from house to house in the gray light of that April morning, could tell little what others would do—they flung into each house the startling announcement, 'The red-coats are coming!' and rode on. None that day issued orders—none obeyed aught but his own soul. Though Massachusetts rocked from Barnstable to Berkshire, when the wires flashed over the land the announcement that a slave lay chained in the Boston Court-House, there was no answer from the Anti-Slavery feeling of the State. It is sad, therefore, but it seems to me honest, to say to the fugitive in Boston, or on his way, that if the Government once seize him, he cannot be protected here. I think we are bound, in common kindness and honesty, to tell them there are but two ways that promise any refuge from the horrors of a return to bondage; one is to fly—to place themselves under the protection of that Government which with all her faults, has won the proud distinction that slaves cannot breathe her air—the fast-anchored isle of empire, where tyrants and slaves may alike find refuge from vengeance and oppression. And this is THE COURSE I WOULD ADVISE EVERY MAN TO ADOPT. THIS, UNLESS THERE ARE, IN HIS PARTICULAR CASE, IMPERATIVE REASONS TO THE CONTRARY, IS HIS DUTY. If this course be impossible, then the other way is to arm himself, and by resistance secure in the free State a trial for homicide—trusting that no jury will be able so far to crush the instincts of humanity as not to hold him justified.

But some one may ask, why countenance, even by a mention of it, this public resistance—you whose whole enterprise repudiates force? Because this is a very different question from the great issue, the Abolition of Slavery. On that point, I am willing to wait. I can be patient, no matter how often that is defeated by treacherous statesmen.—The cause of three millions of slaves, the destruction of a great national institution, must proceed slowly; and like every other change in public sentiment, we must wait patiently for it, and the best policy there, is, beyond all question, the policy of submission, for that gains, in time, on public sympathy. But this is a different case. Who can ask the trembling, anxious fugitive to stop and submit patiently to the overwhelming chances of going back, that his fate may, in some different manner, and far off hour, influence for good the destiny of his fellow-millions? Such virtue must be self-moved. Who could stand and ask it of another?—True, Thomas Sims returned is a great public event, calculated to make Abolitionists; but the game sickens me, when the counters are living men. We have no right to use up fugitives for the manufacture of Anti-Slavery sentiment. There are those who hang one man to benefit another, and create a wholesome dread of crime. I shrink from using human life as raw material for the production of any state of public opinion, however valuable. I do not think we have a right to use up fugitive slaves in this pitiless way, in order to extend or deepen an Anti-Slavery sentiment. At least, I have no right to use them so, without their full consent. It seems to me, therefore, we are bound to tell those who have taken refuge under the laws of Massachusetts, what they must expect here. The time was when we honestly believed they might expect protection. That time, in my opinion, has passed by. I do not certainly know when they may choose again to take another man from Boston. But I do know, that just so soon as any other miscreant Webster (hisses and cheers) shall think it necessary to lay another fugitive slave on the altar of his Presidential chances, just so soon will another be taken from the streets of Boston. I note the hisses. Do not understand me, that Mr. Webster himself will ever find it worth while to ask again this act of vassal service from his retainers. Oh, no! wait a few months, and his fate will be that of Buckingham: 'wicked but in will, of means bereft, He left not faction, but of that was left.' But even though he die or be shelved, the race of traitors will not be extinct; and it is a sickening dread for these two or three hundred men and women to live with this law, worse than the sword of Damocles, hanging over their heads.

I believe the Abolitionists of the country owe it to their brethren to tell them what policy should rule their conduct in the present crisis. To be sure, we may ask them to stay, and when they are taken, to submit, and let the fact appeal to the sympathies of the country, which will result in kindling public indignation; and if they choose, from deep religious convictions, to make themselves thus the food of Anti-Slavery growth, God bless them for the heroic self-sacrifice, which dictates such a course. But I cannot ask of a poor, friendless, broken-hearted fellow creature such a momentous sacrifice. I do say, in private, to every one that comes to me, 'But one course is left for you. There is no safety for you here; there is no law for you here. The hearts of the judges are stone; the hearts of the people are stone. It is in vain that you appeal to the Abolitionists.—They may be ready, may be able, ten years hence. But the brace of Adamses,' to which our friend (Theodore Parker) alluded this morning, if they had mistaken 1765 for 1775, would have ended at the scaffold instead of the Declaration of Independence and the treaty of 1783. We must bide our time, and we must read, with anointed eyes, the signs of our time. If public opinion is wrong, we want to know it; know it, that we may remodel it. We will ourselves trample this accursed Fugitive Slave Law under foot (great cheering). We are a minority, at present; we cannot do this to any great practical effect; and we are bound to suggest to these unfortunates who look to us for advice, some feasible plan. This, in my view, should be our counsel: 'Depart, if you can—if you have time and means.—As no one has a right to ask that you stay, and, if arrested, submit, in order that your case may convert men to Anti-Slavery principles; so you have no right, capriciously, to stay and resist, merely that your resistance may rouse attention, and awaken Anti-Slavery sympathy. It is a grave thing to break into the bloody house of life. The mere expectation of good consequences will not justify you in taking a man's life. You have a perfect right to live where you choose. No one can rightfully force you away. There may be important and sufficient reasons, in many cases, why you should stay and vindicate your right, at all hazards. But in common cases, where no such reasons exist, it is better that you surrender your extreme right to live where you choose, than assert it in blood, and thus risk injuring the movement which seeks to aid your fellows. Put yourselves under the protection of the British flag; appeal to the humanity of the world. Do not linger here.'

Does any friend of the cause exclaim, 'You take away the great means of Anti-Slavery agitation. The sight of a slave carried back to bondage is the most eloquent appeal the Anti-Slavery cause can make to the sympathies of the public.' I know it is bought by the sacrifice of one man, thrust back to the house of American bondage. Still, circumstances may prevent flight—imperative reasons may exist why he should remain here; he may be seized before he succeeds in escaping. I say to him, then, There is a course left, if you have the courage to face it. There is one appeal left, that has not yet been tried; it may avail you; I cannot insure you even that. It has now reached that pass when even the chance of a Boston gibbet may be no protection from a Georgia plantation; but if I were in your place, I would try (tremendous cheering)! The sympathies of the people will gather round you, if put on trial for such an act. The mortal hatred which would set the hounds of the law, thirsty for our blood, on keener scent, if we stood charged with legal offences, would not reach you. I do not know that the State Prison would be any refuge from the jail at Savannah or Charleston; but there may be something in an appeal to a Massachusetts jury empanelled to try a man's inalienable right to liberty, the pursuit of happiness, and to protect himself: and I hope—I dare not hope much, but I do hope—that there is still humanity enough to bring you in 'guilty.' There is another point. I really believe if a jury of Boston merchants should steel themselves to a verdict of guilty, that a governor sitting in the seat of Samuel Adams or Henry Vane would never dare to sign the warrant, until he had secured a passage on board a Cunard steamer. I think, therefore, that it is possible an appeal to the criminal jurisdiction of the State might save a man. Perhaps it might be just that final blow which would stun this drunken nation into sobriety, and make it heed, at last, the claims of the slave.

Mark me! I do not advise any one to take the life of his fellow—to brave the vengeance of the law, and run the somewhat, after all, unequal risk of the hard technical heart of a Massachusetts jury. Such an act must be, after all, one's own impulse. To burst away from all civil relations, to throw one's self back on this primal right of self protection, at all hazards, must be the growth of one's own thought and purpose. I can only tell the sufferer the possibilities that lie before him—tell him what I would do in his case—tell him that what I would do for myself, I would countenance another in doing, and aid him to the extent of my power. No, I confess I am not a non-resistant.—The reason why I advise the slave to be guided by a policy of peace is because he has no chance. If he had one—if he had as good a chance as those who went up to Lexington seventy-seven years ago, I should call him the basest recreant that ever deserted wife and child, if he did not vindicate his liberty by his own right hand (cheers).—And I am not by any means certain that Northern men would not be startled—would not be wholesomely startled—by one or two such cases as a scoundrel Busteed shot over his perjured affidavit. If a Morton or a Curtis could be shot on a Commissioner's bench, by the hand of him they sought to sacrifice, I have no doubt that it would have a wholesome effect (great applause).—Is there a man here who would either himself go to Georgia, or let any one, near and dear to him, go there, if he could have arms in his hands, without sending somebody before him to a lighter and cooler place than a Georgia plantation?

I am not dealing with the cause of three millions of slaves. I am not dealing with the question of a great sin and wrong existing among us. I believe I understand the philosophy of reform. I understand the policy of waiting. I know that, in reforming great national abuses, we cannot expect to be in haste; that the most efficient protection for the three millions of slaves is to eradicate the prejudice of the twenty millions of whites who stand above them. I have learnt all that. But Mr. Chairman, the question to which I speak is a very different one. It is this. I, William Crafts, an independent, isolated individual in myself, am no more called to secure the safety of three million of slaves than you are. I, William Crafts, have succeeded in getting to Boston. I have reached what is called free territory. It happens that there are strong and sufficient reasons why I cannot leave those shores, or cannot yet leave them. I have got possession of arms. I have inquired of the most intelligent men, and they tell me that the laws afford me no protection. I have asked of the highest authorities on government, my duty in this emergency, and they tell me one and all, from Grotius down to Lord Brougham, that when government ceases to protect the citizen ceases to owe allegiance. Very well. My case stands by itself. It is for me to decide to-night whether I will go back to Georgia to-morrow. It is no special comfort to assure me that half a century hence, somebody will go down to Faneuil Hall, some Robert C. Winthrop, perhaps, converted for the occasion—and pronounce an oration on the jubilee of American freedom. It is no answer to tell me, that, in order to this, it is considered by some people to be a great thing that the fugitive should go willingly and quietly back to Slavery.—There comes up to me a man who says he is an officer, and has a parchment warrant in his pocket. Somebody has given him authority to seize me. I am not to be bullied by institutions; I am not to be frightened by parchments. Forms and theories are nothing to me. Majorities are nothing. You have outlawed me from your law. You have exiled me from your protection. I am a descendant of Esau—every man's hand against me, my hand against every man. I have no time or means of escape, no defence, except I make it. If I make it, I secure the hour of liberty and escape. I decide to make it. I shoot the miscreant, and thus gain time to pass from the spot where I was to have been arrested, to freedom under the flag of England or on the deck of a vessel.' Let him who fully knows his own heart and strength, and feels, as he looks down into his child's cradle, that he could stand by and see that little nestling one borne away, and submit—let him cast the first stone. But all you, whose blood is wont to stir over Naseby and Bunker Hill, will hold your peace, unless you are ready to cry—Sic semper Tyrannis! So may it ever be with slavehunters!

Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that the man who is not conscientiously a non-resistant, is not only entitled, he is bound, to use every means that he has or can get, to resist arrest in the last resort. What is the slave, when he is once surrendered? He goes back to degradation worse than death. If he has children they are to perpetuate that degradation. He has no right to sacrifice himself or them to that extent. These are considerations which it is just as well to state, and to bring before the community. I know my friend Mr. Garrison differs from me on this question. You will listen to him. I shall not quarrel if you agree with his judgment, and leave me alone. I am talking to-night to the men who say they were ready to take up their muskets in defence of Thomas Sims, or Shadrach, or somebody else. It is very well for fiction—for a Harriet Beecher Stowe to paint a submissive slave, and draw a picture that thrills your hearts. You are very sensitive over Uncle Tom's Cabin.' Your nerves are very sensitive; see that your consciences are as sensitive as your nerves. If your hearts answered instead of your nerves, you would rise up every one of you Abolitionists, ready to sacrifice every thing, rather than a man should go back to Slavery. Let me see that effect, and then I will reckon the value of the tears that have answered to the wand of this magician; but till then, they are but the tears of a nervous reader under high excitement. Would those tears could crystallize into sentiment, crystallize into principle—into Christian principle, out of which the staple of Anti-Slavery patience and perseverance and self sacrifice is to be wrought!

Guard yourselves, friends, against the delusive idea, that the tears and sad eyes you see about you are harbingers of a better hour for Massachusetts than this day twelve months saw darken over her fame. It may be so; but there is no certainty that it will. We are to speak to practical Massachusetts. I do not shrink from going before the farmers, the mechanics, and the working-men—the thinking men of Massachusetts, and urging upon them the consideration that the State, by solemn act, has proclaimed to every one that her soil is not holy enough to protect the fugitive, and that, so far as she is concerned, the only thing left, the only possibility, the only chance remaining for the fugitive, lies in his own courage and good right arm.

The city of John Hancock has proved that her soil is not holy enough to protect the fugitive; Faneuil Hall where 'still the eloquent air breathes—burns with Otis and Adams, is not holy enough to shelter the fugitive; Bunker Hill, red with the blood of the noblest man that ever fell in the cause of civil liberty, is not too sacred for fettered feet; the Churches, planted, as we have been told to-day, in tears, in prayers, and in blood, have no altar horns for the fugitive; the Courts, even that which first naturalized Lord Mansfield's decision, drawing a nice distinction between slaves brought and slaves escaping—judges loving humanity so well, even in the humblest suitor, that, like their noble predecessors in the great case of De Vere, they 'caught hold of a twig or a twine thread to uphold it'; that, too, has shut its doors on the fugitive—yes, against that very child Mep, should she again be seized, in whose behalf they settled this proud rule.

I would say all this to the men about me, and add—There is one gleam of hope. It is just possible that the floor of the State's Prison may have a magic charm in it. That may save the fugitive, if he can once entitle himself to a place there. When, then, the occasion shall demand, let us try it (great cheering)! It is a sad thought, that the possibility of a gibbet, the chance of imprisonment for life, is the only chance that can make it safe for a fugitive to remain in Massachusetts.

You will say this is bloody doctrine—anarchical doctrine; it will prejudice people against the cause. I know it will! Heaven pardon those who make it necessary for hunted men to turn, when they are at bay, and fly at the necks of their pursuers! It is not our fault! I shrink from no question, however desperate, that has in the kernel the possibility of safety for a human being hunted by twenty millions of slave-catchers in this Christian Republic of ours (cheers). I am willing to confess my faith. It is this: that the Christianity of this country is worth nothing, except it is or can be made capable of dealing with the question of Slavery. I am willing to confess another article of my faith: that the Constitution and Government of this country is worth nothing, except it is or can be made capable of grappling with the great question of Slavery. I agree with Burke—'I HAVE NO IDEA OF A LIBERTY UNCONNECTED WITH HONESTY AND JUSTICE. NOR DO I BELIEVE THAT ANY GOOD CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT OR OF FREEDOM CAN FIND IT NECESSARY FOR THEIR SECURITY TO DOOM ANY PART OF THE PEOPLE TO A PERMANENT SLAVERY. SUCH A CONSTITUTION OF FREEDOM, IF SUCH CAN BE, IS IN EFFECT, NO MORE THAN ANOTHER NAME FOR THE TYRANNY OF THE STRONGEST FACTION: and factions in Republics have been and are full as capable as monarchs of the most cruel oppression and injustice.' That is the language of Edmund Burke to the electors of Bristol; I agree with it (applause)! The greatest praise Government can win is, that its citizens know their rights, and dare to maintain them. I know no use for good laws, except to teach men to trample bad laws under their feet.

On these principles, I am willing to stand before the community in which I was born and brought up—where I expect to live and die—where, if I shall ever win any reputation, I expect to earn and keep it. As a sane man, a Christian man, and a lover of my country, I am willing to be judged by posterity, if it shall ever remember either this meeting or the counsels which were given in its course. I am willing to stand upon this advice to the fugitive slave—baffled in every effort to escape, or bound here by sufficient ties, exiled from the protection of the law, shut out from the churches—to protect himself, and make one last appeal to the humane instincts of his fellow-men.

Friends, it is time something should be said on these points. Twenty-six cases—twenty-six slave cases, under this last statute, have taken place in the single State of Pennsylvania. I do not believe one man in a hundred who hears me, supposed there were half a dozen cases there. So silently, so much a matter of course, so much without any public excitement, have those slaves been surrendered! Should the record be made up for the other States, it would probably be in proportion. Recollect, beside, the cases of kidnapping, not by any means unfrequent, which are so much facilitated by the existence of laws like this. For slayen

to stay among us and be surrendered may excite commiseration; but remember, and this is a very important consideration, familiarity with such scenes begets indifference; the tone of public sentiment is lowered; soon cases pass as matters of course, and the community, burnt over with previous excitement, is doubly steeled against all active sympathy with the sufferers. What was usurpation yesterday is precedent to-morrow.

When we asked the Supreme Court of Mass. to interfere in Sims' behalf, on the ground that the law of 1850 was unconstitutional, they declined, because the law was much the same as that of 1793, and that was constitutional, because so well and truly tried. Surely, tyranny should have no such second acquiescence to plead. Yet that feeling, so alert, so indignant at the outset, already droops and grows cold. Government stands ever a united, powerful and organized body, always in session, its temptations creeping over the dulled senses, the wearied zeal, or the hour of want. The sympathies of a people for the down-trodden and the weak are scattered, evanescent, now excited, now asleep. The assembly which is red-hot to-day, has vanished to-morrow. The indignation that lowers around a Court-House in chains is scattered in a month. The guerrilla troops of reform are now here, and now crumbled away. On the other hand, permanently planted, with a boundless patronage, which sways every thing, stands Government, with hands ever open, and eyes that never close, biding cunningly its time; always concentrated; and, of course, too often able to work its will, for a time, against any amount of popular indignation and sympathy.

Do not misunderstand me. I know the Anti-Slavery Cause will triumph. The mightiest intellects—the Websters and the Calhouns of the Whig and Democratic parties—they have no more effect upon the great mass of the public mind, in the long run, than the fly's weight had on the chariot wheel where he lighted. But that is a long battle. I am speaking now of death or life, to be dealt out in a moment. I am dealing with a family about to be separated, standing, as many of you have been called again and again to do, by the hearth, or at the table, where that family circle were never to assemble again; broken and scattered to the four winds; the wife in agony, her husband torn from her side, her children gathering around, vainly asking, 'Where are we to go, mother? Open those doors? How many of them might you open in these Northern States within the last two years! How many of these utterly indescribable scenes might you have witnessed within that brief period! This law has executed itself. Twenty-six have been sent back from Pennsylvania; only one from Boston; only a dozen, perhaps, from New York. Yes: but in the mean time, the dread that they might be seized has broken up hundreds of happy families. It has been executed; and when I remember that Northern traitor who made its enactment possible, I sometimes think that the vainest man who ever lived never dreamed in the hour of his fondest self-conceit, that he had done the human race as much good as Daniel Webster has wrought it sorrow and despair (great applause). I do not think you fully appreciate the state of dread in which the colored population have lived for months.

Mark, too, the infamous characteristics of these cases! It is not their frequency, after all, that should cause the most apprehension, but the objectionable incidents and very dangerous precedents they establish. It is not that the Slave Law is law. That is not half the enormity of the fact. It is, that not only is the Slave statute held to be law, but that there is really no law beside it in the free States—to execute it, all other laws are set aside and disregarded. The commonest and best settled principles have been trodden under foot. Almost all these persons have been arrested by a lie. Sims was—Long was—Preston was. In the case at Buffalo, the man was arrested by a bloodthirsty attack—knocked down in the streets. The atrocious haste—the brutal haste of Judge Kane, in the case of Hannah Kellam. Language fails in describing, indignation stands dumb before the cold and brutal wickedness. Many of these cases have been a perversion, not only of all justice, but of all law. Take a single and slight instance. The merciful and safe rule has always been, that an officer, arresting any one wrongfully, shall not be permitted to avail himself of his illegal act, for the service of a true warrant while he has the man in custody. This would be not only a sanction, but an encouragement of illegal detention. But, in several of these cases, the man has been seized on some false pretence, and then the authorities allowed those having him in custody to waive the prosecution of the pretended claim, and serve upon him the real warrant. The same disgraceful proceeding was allowed in the Latimer case in this city, his master arresting him as a thief and afterwards dismissing that process, and claiming him as a slave. This dangerous precedent has been followed in many of these late cases. The spirit of the rule, and in some cases its letter, would have set the prisoner free, and held void all the proceedings.

Amid this entire overthrow of legal safeguards—this utter recklessness of all the checks which the experience of ages has invented for the control of the powerful and the protection of the weak, it is idle to dream of any colored persons being safe. They stand alone, exposed to the whole pelting of this pitiless storm. I wish there existed here any feeling on this subject adequate to the crisis. Is there such? Do you point me to the past triumphs of the Anti-Slavery sentiment of Massachusetts? The list is so short we know it by heart. Yes, there has been enough of feeling and effort to send Charles Sumner to the Senate. Let us still believe that the event will justify us in trusting him, spite of his silence there for four long months, silence when so many ears have been waiting for the promised words. There is an Anti-Slavery sentiment here of a certain kind. Test it, and let us see what it is worth. There is Anti-Slavery sentiment enough to crowd our Legislature with Free Soilers. True. Let us wait for some fruit, correspondent to their pledges, before we rejoice too loudly. Heaven grants us the sight of some before we be forced to borrow from our fathers a name for these Legislative committees of Free Soilers. In 1765, there were certain Parliamentary Committees, to whom were referred the petitions of the Colonists, and many good plans of relief, and that was the last heard of either petition or plan. Our fathers called them 'Committees of Oblivion,' I hope we may never need that title again; and wherever we find the untarnished name of Seward, we need have no apprehension.

Yes, there is Anti-Slavery sentiment sufficient to put many persons on their good behavior—sufficient to bring Orville Dewey to his knees, and make him attempt to lie himself out of a late delicate embarrassment (great applause). That, to be sure, is the only way for a true-hearted American to apologize! Some men blame us for the personality of our attacks—for the bad taste of actually naming a sinner on such a platform as this. Never doubt its benefits again.— Did not the Rev. Dr. 'go to and fro in the earth, and walk up and down in it,' offering to return his own mother into Slavery for our dear Union; and was he not rewarded by our National Government by a Chaplaincy in the Navy—as most men thought to secure him a trip to the Mediterranean to repose his weary virtue? Where could public rumor more appropriately send him than to that very spot on the Naples coast, where his great and only exemplar, Nero, devoted his mother to a kinder fate than this Christian imitator designed for 'a venerable relative'! Could he have passed his life at Bauli, the genius of the place would have protected her so deserving son, and all had been well. But here a certain 'rub-a-dub agitation' had done so much mischief, that even the Unitarian denomination could not uphold its eminent leader till he had explained that he did not mean his 'venerable relative,' he only meant his son! How clear the lesson to that son not to treat others as they treat him—since then he might be led to do what even his father deems inhuman, namely, return his 'venerable relative' into Slavery to save a Union! Does Dr. Dewey indeed think it 'extravagant and ridiculous to consent' to return one's mother to Slavery?— On what principle, then, it has been well asked, does he demand that every colored son submit patiently to have it done? Does his Bible read that God did not make of one blood all nations?

Yes, we have Anti-Slavery feeling and character enough to humble a Dewey; we want more—we want enough to save a Sims—to give a safe shelter to Ellen Crafts.—'Hide the outcast; bewray not him who wandereth,' is the simplest lesson of common humanity. The Commonwealth, which, planted by exiles, proclaimed by statute in 1841, her welcome to 'any stranger who might fly to her from the tyranny or oppression of her persecutors'—the State which now seeks 'Peace in Liberty,' should not content herself with this; her rebuke of the tyrant, her voice of welcome to the oppressed, should be uttered so loud as to be heard throughout the South. It should not be necessary to hide the outcast. It ought not to be counted merit now that one does not lift hand against him. Oh, no! fidelity to ancient fame, to present honour, to duty, to God, demands that the fugitive from the oppressions of other lands should be able to go up and down our highway, in peace—tell his true name—meet his old oppressor face to face, and feel that a whole Commonwealth stands between him and all chance of harm. 'God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!' How coldly, often, does the old prayer fall from careless lips! How sure to reach the ear of Him who heareth the sighing of the prisoner, when it shall rise, in ecstasy of gratitude, from the slave hut of the Carolinas, or from the bursting heart of the fugitive, who, after deadly peril, rests at last beneath the shadow of her protection!

American Stories

From the Libcrator. Extracts from a Speech Of Wendell Phil

lips, BSq.

N he .Nelodeon, on The first .1nnirersary Of hs

rendition Of Thomas Sims, .fpr,l ~, 1852.

N He .Nelodeon, on The first .Annirrsa,y Of HE

rendition Of Thomas Sims, .fpril ~, 1852.

When the Pulpit preached slavo-hunting,

aud the Law bound the victim, aud Society

said amen! this will make money'--we were 'ianaics'-'enihusn

rguuizers'-'scorncrs of the pulpit

traitors Genius of the Past drop not from | thy tablets one of these honorable names

We claim them all, ns our surest title deeds

to the memory aud gratitude Of mnnkind.-

We indeed thought Man more than Consti-

tulions; Humanity aud Justice of more

worth than law. Seal up the record II

Boston is proud of her part, let her rest as

surcd we are not ashamed of ours

All this has been said so often, that il is

useless TO dwell on il now. The hest IIse

that we can now make of this OCCASION, il

seems to me, is to look about us, take our

boarngs,and tell the fngitives over whom yet

hangs this terrible statute, what course, in

Our opinion, they should pursue.

Aud, III the first place, it is neither frank

nor honest TO keep up the delusive idea that

fugitive slave can he projected in Massa-

chuseiis. | hope ! am mistaken; shall be

glad TO be proved incorrect; hut | do not

believe there is any such Anli-SlHvcry srnii-

nent here ms is able TO protect Il fugitive on

whom the Government hus once laid its

hand. We were told this afternoon, from

this PLATFORM, that there were one hun

drcd and filty men in one Town, ready TO

come with their nllskcts to Boston-aIl they

waited for was nn invitation. | heard. three

weeks before the Sims case, that there were n hundred in one town in Plymouth county, pledged to shoulder their mnskets in such cause We saw nothing of them. heard, three weeks after the Sims rendition, that there were two hundred more in the city | ol Worcester ready to have come, had they | been invited. We saw nothing OF lhem.- On such an occuson, from the nature of The case, there cannot he much previous con- cert; the people must take their own cause into their own hands. Intense carnestneSs of purpose, prevailing large classes, must perceive the crisis, aud gather all spontaneously for tue first net which is to organize revolution. When the Court was in pursuit of John IInmpIen, we are not told thnt the two thousand men who rode up TO London the next morning, to stand between their representative aud n kings irOwn, waited for an invitation. They assembled of their own voluntary and individual pur- pose, and found themselves in London.- Whenever there is like determination throughout Massachusetts, it will need no invitation. When, in l775, the British turn ed tl,cir eyes toward Lexington, the same went ont from the Vigilance Com mittec of Mechanics in Boston, MS in Our rase of April, 1851. Two anters on the North Church steeple telegraphed the fact to the country: Revere and Prescott, as they rode from house TO house in the gray light of that April morning, could tell little what others would do-they flung into each house the startling announcement, The red.coats are comingn aud rode on. None that day issued orders-none obeyed aught but his own soul. Though Massachusetts, { rocked from Barustabe to Berkshire, when the wires flashed over the land the announce | ment that slave lay chained in the Boston { Courthouse, there was no answer from the Ami Slavery feeling Of tie state. II is sad, but il seems to me honest, 10 say to the fugitive in }ostoI,or on his way that il the Government once seize him, he cannot he protected here. .hink we are bound, s in common kindness aud honesty TO tell them there are but two ways that promise any refuge from the horrors of a return TO { bondage; one is TO fly-to place themselves 1 under The protection of that Government s which with all her faults has won the proud I IlsuuClloH tnut slaves cannon DTedtile HtT hH I the fnst-ancIlored isle of empire, where yrants and slaves may alike find refuge from ! vengeance aud oppression. AND THIS IS rHE COURSE | WOULD ADVISE EVERY MAN TO I ADOPT. TINS, UNLESS THERE ARE, IN HIS S 'ARTiCULAR CASE, IMPERATIVE REASONS TO I rHE CONTRARY, rs HIS DUTY. II this course % impossible, then the other way is to arm G llnself aud by resistance secure in the free I state trial for Notwithstanding that no ury will be able SO far to crush the instincts Z II humanity as not to hold him justified.

But some ono may ask, why countenance, { wen 10y n Inention of il, this public resist i nce--yon whose whole enterprise repudi- c les force? Because this is a very different ' question from the grea: issue, the Abolition q u Slavery. On that point, am willing to I vait. can be patient, no matter how often { hat IL defeated by treaeherous statesman.- The cause of three millions of slaves, the I destruction of great national institution, I must proceed slowly; aud like every other I hange in public sentiment, we must wnit 'atiently for it, and the best policy there, is,

stop aud submit patiently to the oyerwhelm

ing chances of going back, that his fate mny

III some different manner, aud far off hour

Influence for good the destiny of his fellow.

millions? Such virtue must he self.moved

Who could stand and usk il of another P

True, Tholnns Sims returned is n great pub

lie event, calculated to make AboIitionists

but the game sickens me, when the counters are living men. We have no right to use iiI | idgliivcs for tie manufacture of Auti-Slnve. ! ry sentiment. There nre those who hang

one man to benefit another, and create Il wholesome dread of crime. ! shrink irou

using human life MS raw material for the | production of any state of public opinion,

however valuable. do not think we have ! n right to Use up fugitive slaves in this pitt

less way, in order to extend or deepen an

Anli-Slnvery sentiment. AT least, have no | right TO Use them so, without their full con sent. IL seems TO me, therefore, we are bound 10 tell those who have taken refuge

under the laws of Massachusetts, what they

must expect here. The time was when we honestly believe they might expect protec- non. That time, ia my opinion, has passed hy, | do not certainly know when they inny choose again to take another man from

Boston. But do know, that just so sOon

as any other miscrcant Webster misses aud

cheers shall thing it necessary TO lay another

fugitive slave Oh the altar of his Presidential

chances, just so soon will another lie taken

from the streets of Boston. ! note the misses.

DO rot understand me, that Mr.. Webster

himself will ever find il worth while to ask

again this act of vassal service from his

rctainers. Oh, no wait a few months,

aud his fate will be that Of Buckingham:

wicked but in will, OF means bcrcft,

lie left not faction, but Of that was Left

But even though he die or be shcyed, the

race of traitors will not he extinct; aud it is n sickcning dread for these two or three

hundred men and women to live with this

law, worse than the sword of Damocles, hanging over their heads. believe tho Aboliiionsts of the country owe it to their brethren to tell them what policy should rule their conduct in the present crisis. To be sure, we may ask them To stay, and when they are taken, TO submit, and let the fact appeal to the sympathies of the county, which will result ia kindling public indig ua- ton and il they choose, from deep religious convictions, to make themselves thus the iood of Anii.Slavery growth, God bless them torsthe heroic seli-sacriiice, which diciFtes such course. But conuot ask of n poor, friendless, broken-hearted fellow creature such nInncntOus sacrifice. ! do say, in private TO every one that comes to me, But one course is left for you. There is no safety for you here there is no law for you here. The hearts OF the Judges are stone the hearts of the people arc stone. Ii is in vain that you appeal to the AbolltioniS;s.- They may be ready, may be able, ten years hence But the brace of AdanIses,' TO which our friend (Theodorc Parker alluded This morning, IT they had mistaken l1GJ for lI15, would have ended at the scatiUid in stead of the Declaration of Independence md the treaty Of 1888. We must bide our lme, and we MUST read, with annointed yes, the signs of our time. II public opin- uu Is wrong, we want To know il; know il, hat we may remodel it. We will ourselves rampo this accurscd Fugitive Slave Law lnder foot (greut cheering) We are mi loriiy, NJ present; we cannot do this 10 any | great practical effect; nd we Hre bound to | suggest to these unlOrtunntcs who look To us | or advice, some feasible plan. This, in my | Jew, should he our counsel: Depart, | { you cau-if you have time aud meana.- Is no one has right to ask that you stay, / md, il arrested, submit, in order Tint your / asc may convert men to Aini-Sluvcry prin- | iples; so you have no right, capriciously, ! o stay aud resist, merely that your resistance | nay rouse attenlion,aud awaken Anti-Sluvery / 1t is q grave thing to break into | he bloody house of life. The mere eXpcc- ! alton of good consequences will not justify | ou in taking n mans life. You have n | crlect right TO live where you choose. No | ne can right fully force you away. There 7, nay be important aud sufficient rensOns, in | lany cases, why you should stay aud vindi- | ate your right, at all hazards. But in com Iou cases, where no such reasons exist, il is eller that you surrender your extreme right D live where you choose, than assert il in lood, and thus RISK injuring the movement 'lch seeks TO aid your fellows. Put your elves under the protection of the British ag; appeal to The humanity of the world. 10 not liuger here.'=f0 Does any friend { the cause eXclaim, You take away the reat means of Anti-Slavery agitation. The Ight of a slave carried back TO bondage is ne most eloquent appeal the Anti-Slavery ause can make TO the sympathies of the pub c.'I know il is bought by the sacrifice OF one nan, thrust back TO the house of American ondnge. Still, circumstances may prevent reasons niuy exist why he hould remain here; lac may be seized be- IRE he succeeds in escaping. say TO him, Ien, There is Il course left, if you have The ourage to face il. There is one appeal left, nat has not yet been tried; it may avail you; cannot insure you even that 1t has now cached that pass when even the chance OF a 'oslon gibhet may be no protection from a ieorgia plantation but il were } your pluce, | would try tremendous The symDathips of the ueople iii gather round you, ii put on trial for such n act Tho mortal hatred which would set le hounds Of the law, thirsty for our blood, u keener scent, il we sCnd charged with gal offences, would not reach you. | do OF know lllat the State Prison would be any singe from the Jail at Savannah OF Charles- IN; hut there may be something in an ap- cal TO a Massachusetts

jury en,panelled TO y mans INALIENABLE right to liberty, the

| blHS lou w Eulltl. lUcie is atlOtnef

point. ! really believe if jury of Boston

merchants should steel themselves to vor-

diet of guilty. that governor sitting in the

seat of Samuel Adams or Henry Vnne would

never dare to sign the warrant until he had

secured passage OH board Cunnrd steam

er. think k,hereloro,il that il is possible an up ! peal to the criminal jurisdiction OF the Stnte

might save man. Perhaps it might be just

that final blow which would stun this drunk

en- nation into sohrieiy, aud make il heed, at

last, the claims of the slave.

Mark me! do not diyise any one TO take / the lie OF his ltlow-to brave the ven ! geauce of the law, aud run the somewhat,

after all, unequal risk OF the hard technical ! heart of a Massachusetts, jury. Such an act

must he, after all, ones owu impulse. To

burst away from all civil relations, 10 throw

ones self back on this primal right of self. ! protection, al all hazlrds must be tie growth

OF ones own thought and purpose. eau only tell the sufferer the possibilities that lie

before hln-tell him what | would do in his

case-lell him that what would do for my sell, would countenauce another in do. ing, and aid him TO the extent OF my power. No. confess um not n uon-resistunt.- The reason why advise the slave to he guided 10y II policy Of peace is because he b"o wv NhhhN's ~ It uuu OHt-ll iutl

ms good II chance as those who went up To

Lexington seventy-scven years ago, should call him the bnsest rccreant that ever desert

ed wife and child il he did not viudirute

his liberty 10y his own right hand (chcers).-

And am not by any means certain that

Northern men would not he stnrlcd-wouId

not he whoesomely startled-hy one or two

such eases as n scouudrcl Bustcrd shot over

liis pCilurcd affidavit. Ii n Morton or

Curtis could he shot on n Commissioners

bench, 10y the hand of him they sought to

sacrifice, | have no doubt that il would

have u wholesome effect (greHt appnuse).-

L. there a man here who would either him

self go to Georgia, or let any one, near aud

dear to him, 20 there, il hc could have arms

in his hands, without sending somebody he

tore him To lighter aud cooler place than

Georgia plantation?

| am not dealing with the cause of tlree

millions Of slaves. | anI not dealing with

the question OF great sin and wrong exist

ing among us. believe | understand the philosophy of reform. | understand the

policy of waiting. know that, in reorm- ! ing great national abuses, we cannot expect ! TO hc in haste; that the most efficient pro-

lection for the three millions of slaves is to

erradcato the prejudice of the twenty mill

lulS VI WHITES NilO sIduu UUuNt Ucltl. 1

have learnt all that. But Mr.. Chairman, the question to which speak is very different one. II is this. /, William Crafts, an indie pendent. isolated individual in myself am no more called to secure the safety of three million of slaves than you are. ], William Gratis, have succeeded in getting TO Boston. have reached what is called free territory. | II happens tIIatth arc strong aud sufficient | reasons why | cannot leave those shores, or | cannot YET leave them. lnve got posses sion of arms. ! have inquired of llc most

Intelligent men, aud they tell me that the laws afford me no protection. ] hive asked of the highest authorities ON government, my duty IN this emergency, and they tell me one aud all, from Groiius down TO Lord BrOughnm, that when government ceases To protect the citizen ceases TO owe nllcgiaece. Very well. My case stands by itself IL is for me to decide tonight whether will 90 back to Georgia Tomorrow. IL is no special comfort 10 assure mo that half century hence, somebody will go down to Funcuil Hall, sOmc Robert &. Winthrop, perhaps, for the occasiou-und pronounce an Grafton on the jubilee of American free dom. Ii is no answer to tell me, thul, in or der 10 this, il is considered by some people to he a great thing that the fugitive should go willingly aud quietly hack TO Slavery There comes up to the II man who says lie is an officer aud has parchment warran, in his pocket. Somebody has given him au- thOrlly TO seize me. ! aln MOTTO he hullied by institutions am not to bG frightened 10y parchments. Forms aud theories are noIII- lug to me. Majorities are nothing. You have outawed me from your law. You have eXiled me from your protection. | um 1nsgaItflnl ff Loo against ne, my hand against every nan.

have no time or means OF escape, no defence, except make il. Ii make it, secure the Innr of liberty and escape. | decide TO make II. | shoot the miscreant, and thus gain time 10 pass from the spot where / wns o have been arrested, TO freedom under tue tag of England or on the deck OF vessel. Let him who fully knows his own heart aud strength, and feels, as lac looks down into his ,hilds cradle, that he could sund 10y and see that little nesting one borne away, aud him cast the first stone. But all , 'Ou, whose blood is wont 20 stir over Naseby , md Bunker Hill, will hold your peace, un- ess you are ready TO cry-Sic sempu Iyrdp- / as So may il ever be with slavehunIers I

Mr.. Chairman, it seems to me that the { nan who is not cOnscieniiously a non-re- : istnnt, is not only entitled he is bound, 10 { lse every means that he has or can get, To ! esist arrest in the last resort What is the { lave, when he is once surrendered? lie loes back to degradation worse than death. @ { he has children they are To perpeluate l. hat degradation. lie has no right to sacri- i ice himself or them TO that extent. These 5 ne considerations which it is just as well TO i tate, aud to bring before the community 1 know my friend Mr. Garrison differs from ! ne on this question. You will listen TO q ,im. shall not quarrel if you agree with | lis judgment, and leave me alone. | am alking tonight TO the men who say they we're ready TO take up their muskels in de- ence of Thomas Sims, or Shadrach, or else 1t is very well for fiction

| 'Uhcle TOMS Cabin. -FOUR nerves are

very sensitive; see that your consciences

are as sensitive ns your nerves. If your

hearts answered instead of your nerves, YOU

would rise mp every one Of you Abolitionists,

ready to sacrifice every thing, rather than

men should go back TO Slavery. Let me

see that effect, aud then | will reckon the

value of the tenrs that have answered 60 the

waud of this magician; but till then, they

are but the tears of nervous reader under | high excitement. Would those tears could | chrystalizc into sentiment, chrystalize into | principe-into Christian principle, out OF

which the staple of Anti-Slavery patience

and perseverance mud self sacrifice is to be

wrought! Guard yourselves, friends, against

the delusivo idea, thnt the tears and sad eyes you see about YOU are liorbngers of bet

ter hour Tor Massachusetts than this day

twelve months saw darken over her fame.

1t nny he so; but there is no certainty that

it will. We are to speak TO practical Mnssn- | chusrtts. do not shrink from going before

the farmers, the mechanics, and the work. iug-men-the thinking men of Mussachu- sets and urging upon them the considera- | ton that the State, by solemn net, has pro-

claimed to every one that her soil is not holy

enough TO protect the fugitive, and that, so

far as she is concerned, the only thing left,

the only possibility, the only chance remain- ing for the fugitive, lies ia his own courage

and good right arm. The city Of John

Hancock llns proved that her soil is not holy enough Ia protect the fugitive; Faneui Hall

where stiil the eloquent mir brenthes--burns'

with Oils aud Adams, is not holy enough to

shelter the fugitive; Bunker Hill, red with

the blood of the noblesl man that ever fell

in the cause of civil liberty, is not too sacred

for trtirred feet; the Churches. planted, as

we have been told to-day, in tears IN prayers,

and in blood, have no altar horns for the fii-

gitIve; the Courts, even that which first

nuturlized Lord Mnusfieds decision, draw

ing a nice distinction between slaves brought and slaves escaping loving huinani- ~ so well, even in the hunblest suitOr, that, like their noble predecessors in the great case of De We're, they 'caughI hold OF twig ora twine thread To uphold it.; that, too, has shut It's doors on the iugiive-ycs, against that very Child MED, should she again be seized,

ia whose hcmlf they settled this proud rule.

would say all iliis TO the men about me,

and ndd--l'hcre is one gleam of hope. Ii

is just possible that the floor of the States

Prison mny hnve unpic chnrm in IL. That

nnay save the fugitive, ii he can once entitle

himself 10 place there. When, then, the

occasion shall demand, let ms try il (grcut

cheeriug)! II is sad thought, TINT the pos

sibiliy Of gibhei, the chance of imprisou-

meht for lite, is the only chance that can

mnko it safe for fugitive to remain in Mas saclusclts.

You will say this is bloody doctrine-an- arcllical doctrine; il will prejudice people against the cause. know il will Heaven pardon those who make il necessary for hunt ed men TO turn, when they are at bay, und fly at the nccks Of their pursucrs II is not orr fault ] shrink from no question, how lpspprufn hat L,e in tha Gne tl,a possibility of safety for human being hunt ed by twenty millions of slave-cntchcrs in this Christian Republic OF ours (cheersl am willing Ia confess my faith. Ii is this that The Christianity of this country is worth nothing, except il is or can he male capable Df dealing with the question OF Slavery. I nm willing to confess another article of my nh that the Constitution aud Government nf this country is worth noihing, except it is 'r can be made capable of graphing with lc great question Of Slavery. ngree with HAVE NO IDEA OF A LIBER- lY UNCONNECrED WITH HONESTY AND JUSTICE. NOR DO | BELIEVE THAT ANY GOOD CONSTITUTIONS CAN FIND IT NECESSAl FOR THEIR SECURITY TO DOOM ANY PART OF TIE PEOPLE TO A PERMANENT SLAVERY. SUCH A CONSTITUTION OF FREEDOM, IT. SUCH CAN BE. Is IN EFFECT, NO MORE THAN ANOTHER NAME FOR THE TYRANNY OF THE ; STRONGEST FACTION aud factions in Republics have been and ure full as capable hs mOuarcls Of the most cruel oppression and Injustice That is the language of Ed mund Brke 10 the electors OF Bristol; agree witt il (applause) The greatest praise Government can win is, that its citizens know their rights, and dare 10 ranan them. know no use for good laws, except TO teach men 10 irample bud laws IudcT their feet.

On these principles, am willing to stand before the community in which ! was horn nd brought uf--where expect to live aud W lie-wlere, ii | shall ever win any reputa- ion, expect TO earn aud keep il. As q sane 1 nan, II Christian man, und lover Of my 'ouniry, am willing 10 be Judged by pos Gritty, ii IL shall ever remember either this meeting or the cOunsels which were given u its course. am willing 10 stand upon his advice TO the fugitive slave-batlled in very effort To escape, or bound here by uflicient ties, eXed from the protection of he law, shut OUT from the churches--to RoTEcT HIMSELF, aud make one last appeal D the humane instincts of his fellow men. friends, II is time something should he said u these points TwenIy-six cases--iwen- i.siK slave cases, under this last statute, ave taken place in the single Statsof Penn ylvanla. do not believe one fnan in nndred who hears me, supposed there were ulf II dozen eases there. So silently, SO much matter of course, so much without ny public excitement, have those slaves 'een surrendered. Shonld the record be made up for the other States, il would prob Ihly DO in proportion. Reeollec,. beside, he cases of kidnapping, not by any i,heans which are SO much facilitated by he existence Of laws like this. For slayea

the tone of public sentiment is lowered, soon cases pass as matters of course and the community, burnt over with previous excite ment, is doubly steeled against all active sympathy with the sufferers. What wua nsurpation yesterday is precedent tomorrow. When we asked the Supreme Court of Mass. TO interfere in Sims behalf on the ground that the law of 1850 was unconsti- tutonal, they declined, because the law was much the same as that of l793, and that was constitutional, because so HELD and SUBMITTED TO. Surely, tyranny should lave no such second acquiesneuce to plcnd. Yet that feeling. so alert, so indignant at the outset, already droops aud grows cold Government stands ever united, powerful and organized body, always in session, its temptations creeping over the dulel senses, tile wenried zeal, or the hour of want The hympa'hies of people for the down-trod- hen and the weak are scattered, evanescent, now excited, now asleep. The assembly which IS red-hot to-day, has vanished TO. morrow. The indignation that lowers around Court-llousc in chains is scattered an month. The guerrilla troops of reform are now here, aud now crumbled away On the other hand, permanently planted, WIN boundless patronage, which swnys every thing, stands Government, with hands ever open, and eyes that never close, biding cunDingly its time; always concentrated |; aud, OF course, too often able to work its wsii, for time, against any amount of pop. nlnr indignation aud sympathy.

do not misunderstood me. know the Antl'Slavery Cnuse will triumph. The migh'iest intellects-the Websters and the Caihouns Of the Wing and Democratic pnr- ties-they have no more effect upon the great mass Of the public mind in the long rWn, than the ily's weight had on the chariot wheel where he lighted. But that is long battle. Inn speaking now of death or life, to be dealt out in moment. am dealing with family about to be separated, standing, MS many Of you have been called again und again TO do, by the hearth, or at the table, where that family circO were never 10 as semble again; broken aud scattered 10 the four winds; the wife in agony, her husband torn from her side, her children gathering around, vainly asking, 'Wherc arc we to go, | moihcrP Open those doors? How many | of them might you open in these Northern | States within the last two years How mu- ny of these utterly udcscrihablo scenes / might you hive Witnessed within that brief period! This law has eXecuied ilscE- Tweny-six have boeu sent back from Penn | SylVania; only one from Boston; only n dozen. perhaps, from New York. Yes: but IN the mean time, the dread that they might he seized has broken up hundreds of happy families. II has been executed; and when remember thar Northern traitor who mn,le its enactment possible sometimes think ihut tho vainest mau who ever lived never dreamed in the hour Of llis iOndest self-con. ceit, that he bad done the human race ns much good as Daniel Webster hus wrought 1t sorrow and despair (great applausol do not think you fully appreciate the state of dread in which the cUlorcd population have lived for months.

Mark, too, the Infamous characteristics of these cases Ii is not their frequency, after all, that should cause tie most apprehension, hut the oheclonnl incidents and very dan gcrous preccdenis they establish. Il is not that the Slave Law is law. That is not half the enornity of The fact II is, that not only is the Slave statute held to hs law, but that | there is really 10 law beside it in the free | Stuies-to execute il, all other laws are set aside and disregardcd. The comnones: | nnd best settled principles have been trod- | den under foot. Almost all these persons | lave been arrested 10y lie. Sims wus- Long was-Preston was. In the case at Buffalo, the man was arrested 10y blood thirsty nttack-knocked down in the streets.

Judge Kane, in the case of Hannah Kcllam. Language fnils in describing, Indignation stands dumb before the cold aud brutal wick edness. Many Of these cases have heen n perversOn, not only of all Justice, hut of all law. Take single and slight instance The merciiuI and safe rule has always been, that un officer, arresting any one wrongliilly, shall not be permitted 10 avail himself of his illegal net, for the service Of true warrant while lie has the man in custody. This would be not only sanction, but an encOur- agement of i!legnl detention. But, in scvc- raj of these cases, the man has been seized on some false pretcnce, and then the author tiles allowed those having him ia custody to wniye tho prosecution of the pretended claim, and serve upon him the real warrant. Tho same disgraceiu proceeding WINS allow ed in the LlIimor case IN this city, his mas Ter arresting him as thief und afterwards dismlsslng that process, and claiming him as a slave. This dangerous precedent has been followed in many Of these late cases. The spirit of the rule, and in some cases its let ter, would hive set the prisoner free, and held void oll the proceedings.

Amid this entire overthrow of legal safe guards-this utter recklessness OF all the checks which the experience of nges has invented for the control Of the powerful and she protection Of the weak, il is idle to dream of any colored PERSONS being safe. They stnnd alone, exposed to the whole peltng of this pitless storm. ! wish there existed here amy feeiing on this subject adequate to the crisis. Is there such? DO you point the to the past triumpls of The Anli-Slavery senli- Inent of Massachusetts? The list is 20 short we know il by heart. Yes, there has been enough of l0eling and effort to send Charles Simmer to the Senate. Let us still believe that the event viii justify us in trust ing him, spite of his silenre there for four long months, silence when so Unny ears have been willing for tho promised words. There is an An,i-Savery sentiment here of u certain kind. TEST il, and let MS see what

wo may never need that title agaiu; and wherever we find the untoruished name of SEwALL, VIC need have no apprehension.

NeS, there is Anti-Savery sentiment sufIi- cient to put many persons on their good be- havlor-suificient to bring Orville Dewey to ms Knees, aud make him attempt to lie him self out of a late delicate embarrassment tgrcat opplausel That, to bo sure, is the only way for a true-bearted American 10 apologize! Some men blame us for the per- sonaliiy of Our attncks-ior the bad tnste OF actually naming sinner on such platform as this. Never doubt It's benefits again.- Did not the Rev. Dr. go to and go IN the earth, aud walk up and down in it, Offering to return his own mother into Slavery for our dear Unionj aud was he not rewarded Dy our National Government 10y Chaplain cy III tho Navy-as most men thought TO Sc. cure him trip 10 the Mediterranean TO re.

pose his weary virtue? Where could pub

lie rumor more appropriately send him than

to TINT very spot on the Naples coast, where

his great and only exempar, Nero, devoted

his mother TO kinder fate than this Chris

tan imitaior designed for "a venerable rela.

tive! Could he have passed his life at Bauli

the genius of the place would have protected

her 50 deserving sou, and all had been well

But here a certain 'rub.a.dub agitation had done so much mischief that even the Uni

tnrian denomination could not uphold its eminent leader till nc had explained that hC did not mean his venerable relative,' he only meant his son How clear the lesson tO

that son not to treat others as they treat him since then he might be led to do what

even his father deems inhiman, namely, re.

turn his venerable relative into Slavery to

save Union! Does DIR. Dewey indeed

think il 'eXtrnvngnnt and ridiculous to con.

sent to return ones mother to Slavery p

On what principle, then, 1t has been well

asked, does he demand that every colored son submit patiently TO have it done? Docs

his Bible read thnt God did not make of one

blood all nations?

Yes, we have Anli-Slavery feeling and character enough to humble Dewey; we want more--we waat enough to save a Sims 10 give n sHio shelter TO Ellen Crafts.- Hide the oulcast; bcwray not him who wan dcreih,' is the simplest lesson of common humanity. The Commonwealth, which, planted by exiles, proclaimed by statute in IS4l, her welcome to 'any stranger who might fly TO her from the tyranny or oppres- sion of her persccutors'--the State which now seeks PEACE IN LIBERTY should not content herself with this; her rcbuke OF the tyrant, her voice of welcome to the Oppress- cd, should be uttered so loud az TO be heard tho South. Il should not be ne cessary to hide the ou,cast. Ii ought not to be counted merit now that one does not liit hnnd against him. Oh, no. fidelity 10 ancient fnnc, To present honour, to duly, to God, demands ,hat tho fugitive from tile op- pressions OF other lnuds should be able to go mp and down our highway, in peace-tel his true nhine--ncet his old oppressor face to face, aud ic.l that whole Commonwealth stands between him ard all chance of harm.

God savo tho Commonwealth of Mnssa- How coldly, often, does the old prayer fall from careless lips How sure to reach the ear of Him who heareih the sigh ing Of the prisoner, when it shall rise, in ecstacy Of gratitude, from the slave hut of the CurOiiDas, or from the bursting heart of iho fugitive, who, after deadly peril, rests at last beneath the shudow Of her protection

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #6 (p. 1): begins: "From the Libcrator. Extracts from a Speech Of Wendell Phil lips, BSq. N he .Nelodeon," … ends: "in public sentiment, we must wnit 'atiently for it, and the best policy there, is,"
[2] AS #12 (p. 1): begins: "stop aud submit patiently to the oyerwhelm ing chances of going back, that his fate" … ends: "ap- cal TO a Massachusetts jury en,panelled TO y mans INALIENABLE right to liberty, the"
[3] AS #9 (p. 1): begins: "| blHS lou w Eulltl. lUcie is atlOtnef point. ! really believe if jury of" … ends: "de- ence of Thomas Sims, or Shadrach, or else 1t is very well for fiction"
[4] AS #11 (p. 1): begins: "| 'Uhcle TOMS Cabin. -FOUR nerves are very sensitive; see that your consciences are as" … ends: "i,heans which are SO much facilitated by he existence Of laws like this. For slayea"
[5] AS #13 (p. 2): begins: "the tone of public sentiment is lowered, soon cases pass as matters of course and" … ends: "an An,i-Savery sentiment here of u certain kind. TEST il, and let MS see what"
[6] AS #6 (p. 2): begins: "wo may never need that title agaiu; and wherever we find the untoruished name of" … ends: "iho fugitive, who, after deadly peril, rests at last beneath the shudow Of her protection"

AS only, no textno text, not askedAS #1 p1-6

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

nothing

AS onlymissed by snewpapersAS #23 p1-7

other content: The text is a short, garbled OCR fragment with no indication of advertising, subscription terms, or page furniture; it appears to be a stray printed fragment rather than any of those categories.

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

ganl,n b. 'dou 10 aaH.0ml uaHhs

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continuedsnewpapers righteditorial ↔ AS #13, AS #6 p2-1 continues p1-5: compared, asked and decided there

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers righteditorial ↔ AS #2, AS #10 p2-2 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 94.6 · token set 88.6 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 94% American Stories duplicated this text (articles #10 and #24) AS attaches text outside it

stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The passage is a single article/essay from the True Democrat, with [2] continuing mid-sentence from [1]'s end; the apparent split is just a mid-sentence break, not a separate item.
stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The pieces form a continuous article: [1] ends mid-sentence ('in answer to the question asked') and [2] picks up with the continuation ('by himself...'), so it is a single printed item.

American Stories also attaches: «Fran tho n V 'Pr;Lnr,» (outside this component; AS article #10) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is a garbled OCR fragment of a source credit line (like 'From the ...') that serves as a small tagline, not substantive content deciding the item's boundaries.
stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): The fragment 'Fran tho n V 'Pr;Lnr,' is garbled OCR of a headline or tagline-like line, not substantive content of the article.

snewpapers

From the True Democrat.

A Question.

The question, why the most liberal of Southern men, in the past, are now the most illiberal, is worthy the serious attention of the North.

We are so much in a hurry, and the present so absorbs our thoughts, that many of us may not know the fact. Perhaps some may dispute it. Yet all those familiar with the fact cannot fail to remember the 'extreme' toleration of Clingman, when he voted for the right of petition, and up to 1848, the readiness of Humphrey Marshall to lead in the cause of emancipation in Kentucky during that period, if the people would only demand it, and the comparative boldness of Toombs and Stephens of Georgia, in 1845, both in private and public, when discussing the issue of that and this day. The record tells all this. We take from that, the following extract from a speech made by Stephens, (by all odds the ablest of the 'extremists,') at Athens, Ga., in 1845, advocating the annexation of Texas:—

"This acquisition will give additional power to the Southwestern section in the National Councils, and for this purpose I want it. Not that I am desirous to see an extension of the era of Slavery, as some gentlemen have said its effect would be. I am no defender of Slavery in the abstract. Liberty always had charms for me, and I would rejoice to see all of Adam's family, in every land and clime, in the enjoyment of those rights which are set forth in the Declaration of Independence as natural and inalienable, if a stern necessity, bearing the mark and impress of the Creator Himself, did not, in some cases, interpose and prevent. Such is the case with the States where Slavery now exists. But I have no wish to see it extended to other countries; and if the annexation of Texas was for the sole purpose of extending Slavery where it does not now and would not otherwise exist, I would oppose it."

As he felt and spoke the other Southern liberals—not here or there—not in private talk or in the caucus room—but in Congress, on the 'stump,' and everywhere, when the occasion would justify it. The fact, as we state it, then, cannot be considered a moot point.* Now comes up the question, why have they veered completely round! Why are they changed from liberal Southern, to illiberal and extreme pro-slavery men?

The intelligent reader will hardly doubt the fact, taken for granted in these queries. To make sure work of it, however, let us be specific. These men already named—including Gentry, and all of that class, take now the harshest and narrowest pro-slavery ground. They say, the North must pledge itself to the business of slave-catching! On this 'idea,' they would organize parties, and marshal their forces. Here they rest, and declare they will offer no candidate, and support no candidate, for any office, National or State, will not occupy this position. Speaking for this class, Mr. Stephens, in his ultra speech, made in the House of Representatives at Washington, on the 27th of April, and in answer to the question asked by himself, 'What is the prominent question of the day?' says:—

"The great, leading, controlling, prominent question which is likely to enter into the contest, is, the right, the constitutional right, of one section of this country to reclaim their slaves."

All other grave matters—River and Harbor Improvements—the industry of the country—the disposal of the public lands—whether this Union shall help Despotism or cheer on the champions of Liberty, and what not of national value in morals or money, are to be set aside, till Congress shall settle the issue, whether slave-catching is the proper business of the North? This is the platform of the former liberals of the South, and that it is so, on the record, no one can safely dispute.

Having thus stated the facts, we come to the question asked. Why is this so?

One class suppose, that the liberality of these Southern men, had hurt their prospects politically, in the South, and that, therefore, they have changed. Not so. For on this question, they know, by instinct, where they are, and what they are to gain or suffer by any action for or against slavery. Thus in 1845, Mr. Stephen's speech met with great applause in Georgia, and the body of the people of that State were to second and support his views. He knew that before he made it.

Besides, even now, many of the real perpetualists doubt these liberals, as Senator William Smith of South Carolina, for long years doubted Mr. Calhoun, in regard to his fidelity to the interests of Slavery. Their argument is this. There are many ways of killing a system. If it be badly worked or badly defended, the result is the same; it must fall; and when ground is taken by its advocates which neither the constitution will bear, nor the People of the North tolerate, nor reason or common sense justify, the effect will be, of course, not only to weaken but to destroy it. So that the idea, that these liberals have changed because they feared a home influence, in itself, has, really, no foundation in fact.

No, the cause of this change of opinion and position of Southern liberals, arises, in our belief, wholly from the fact, that the North has failed to do its duty. We say failed. That is not the right word. For the heaviest blows dealt against them have been dealt by the Free States. And these blows have been given, not once or twice, but steadily since 1845. Since that year, the Free States have grown fainter and fainter in their opposition to slavery; they have strengthened it at Washington; and we have damning proof of these averments, in this fact, that the richest offices in the gift of the Federal Executive, have been given to betrayers of Freedom, like Duer, from the North, and the hugest defenders of Slavery, like Sharkey, from the South. We do not speak too strongly when we say that these leaders, on both sides, have been lavishly rewarded. Now these Southern Liberals, being politicians, and, though well disposed, not ready to become martyrs, seeing the 'cowards' of the North rewarded, and the 'Ultras' of the South upheld, by all the strength of the National Government, and by both parties in the North have said and do say, virtually—'we can do nothing now; the North will not let us; if they should let us alone, we might get along; but, not content with that, they strengthen "the few" of the Slave States, and purposely weaken us; we will balk both: and go with the ultras for slavery, and for the South.' And they have done it; unwisely, in a coward spirit, and for a bad end; yet from a cause which sways large classes in every society!

Let the North, then, look to itself. The ruptures caused by these changed liberals are of its creation. It reaps only of the seed it has sown.

*Hon. Humphrey Marshall, a few years since, endeavored to organize an Emancipation party, independent in its action of both of the old parties. Finding that his scheme would not take and determined to be a leader in some movement that will keep him prominently before the people, he now takes a tack in an entirely opposite direction, and is endeavoring to organize a Southern Union party. It needs no prophet to predict the result.—Louisville (Ky.) Courier.

American Stories

From tho True Democrat.

A Question.

The question, why the most liberal of Southern men, IN tie past, are now the most iiiiheral, is worthy the serious ailcntion of the North.

We nre so much in n hurry, and the pres cnt so absorbs our thoughts, that many of us

may not know the fact. Perhaps some may dispute it. Yet all those familiar with the fact cannot iail TO remember the "exireme" liberation OF Clingman, when he voted for the right of petition, aud up to 1913, the | readiness Of Humphrey Marshall to lead in the causc of emancipation in Kentucky during that period, il the people would only deuaih il, and the comparative bOldncss Of IoOnIbs uEd Stephens of Georgia, in 1915, ! both IN private and public, when discussing TIC Issue Of that aud this day. The record tells uli this. We take from that, the follow ing extract from speech made by Stephens, (hy all odds the abest of the "extremists," ~ at Athens, Ga, in 1915, advocating the an- neXaiion Of Texas;--

"Iiis acquisition will give additional pow er 10 tho Southwestern section in the Nation al Councils, and for this purpose want it, Not that l am dcsirOus 10 see an eriension of he dtra Of S!arsry, us some gentlemen have said ils effect would be. am no defender of .SUeiy il he abstract. Liberty aiiunjs had charms for NE, aud would rejoice 10 see all OF Albums family, in every land aud cline, in the enjoyment of those rights which are set forth III The Declaration OF independence rs natural and nalienable, if stern necessity, hearing the mark and impress of the Creator HIMSELF did moi, in some cases, interpose md prevent. Such is the case with the States where Slavery now exists. But hare no iCSh 10 see IL eriended 10 other countries and J The annexation Of T'erds tpas for the sole purpose Of extending Slavery ioLere il does not no,O and wouid mol oihert0iSe erisi, ieouitl oppose H."

As he felt and spoke the other Southern / libcral5-nnl here or there-not in private talk or in the caucus room-but in Congress, on tho "sIunp", and everywhere, when the occasion would justify IT, The fact, as we state it, then, cannot he considered u moot points Now CONES up the question, why / have they yecred completely round! Why are they changed from liberal Southern, 10 iiibera and extreme pro-slGyery men? | The intelligent reader will hardly doubt Ito fact taken for granted in these queries. To mike sure work of il, however, lei us he specific. These men already named -incu- ding Gentry, and all Of that class, take now the harshest aud narowe.t pro-savery ground. They say, the North must pledge itself to the business of slave-catching! On this "idea", they would organize parties, and

marshall their forces. Here they rest, aud declare they will offer no candidate, and support no candidate, for any office. Ma lional or State, will not occupy this position. Speaking for this class, Mr. Stephens. in his ultra speech, made in the House of Repre- sentative. at Washington, on the 9Th of April, aud in answer 70 the question asked

by himself "What is the prominent ques- ton of the day'" says:-

"The great, leading, controlling, promin- ent qustion which is likely to enter into the contest, is the right, the constitutional right, Of one section Of this country to reclaim their slaves"

All other grave matters-River and lIarbor lmprovements--the industry of the country 1.-The disposal of the public lands-whcthcr this Union shall help Despotisn or cheer on the champions of Liberty, and what not of national value in morals or money, IRE TO be set aside, till Congress shall settle the issue, whether slave-catching is the proper busi- ness of the North? This is the platform OF the former liberals of the South, aud that it is 30, on the record, no one can safely dispute.

Having thus stated the facts, we come to the question asked. Why is this so

One class suppose, that the liberality of these Southern men, had hurt their prospects politically, in the South, nnd that, therefore, they have changed. Not so. For on this question, they know, by instinct, where they are, and what they are to gain or suffer by any action for or against slavery. Thus in 1Sl5, Mr.. Stephens speech met with great

pie Of that State were TO second aud sup port his views. lie knew that before lie mnde it.

Besides, even now, many of the real per- petuaists doubt these liberals, as Senator William Smith of South Carolina, for long years doubted Mr.. Calhoun, in regard TO his fidelity to the interests of Slavery. Their argument is this. There are many ways of killing system. If il bc badly worked or badly defended, the result is the snme it must fall and when ground is taken by its advocates which neither the constitution will bear, nor the People Of the North tolerate, nor reason or common sense justify, the effect will be, OF course, not only to weaken hut to destroy it. So that the idea, that these liberals have changed becauSe they feared a home influence, in ITSELF has, really, 10 foundation in fact.

No, the cause of this change of opinion aud position OF Southern liberals, arises, ia our belief wholly from the fact, that The Worth has .Eiiied 10 90 is duiy We say filled. That is not the right word For the heaviest blows dealt against them have been dealt by the Free States. Aud these blows have been given, not once or twice, but siendily since 1915. Since that year, the Free states have grown fainter aud fainter in llieir opposition 10 slavery; they have strengthened il at Washington; and VIC hnvc dnmhlBg proof of these ayertnenis, IN this fact, that the richest offices in the gift of tho Federal Executive, have been given to he trayors OF Freedom, like Daer, from the North, and hugest defenders of Slavery, like Shnrkey, from tho South. We do not speak too strongly when we sly that these leaders, OF both sides, have been lavishly re- warded. Now these Southern Liberals, be- ing politicians, aud, though well disposed, not ready to become martyrs, seeing the "cow- ards" of the North rewarded, and the "Uliras" of the South upheld, by all tho strength of the National Government, and by both pur- ties in the North have said and do sny, vriu- ally-"we can do nothing now the North will not let us; it they should let us alone, We might get along; but, not content with thn', t'iey strengthen "lho few" of the Elave S,atcs, aud purposeiy weaken us; we will balk both aud 90 with the ultrns for slavery, and for the South" And they hive done il; unwisely, in coward spirit, aud for bed end; yet from cause which sways large classes in every society

Let the North, thcn, look to itself The ruplurcs caused by these changed liberals are of its creation. lireaps onIy Of the seed il has sown.

.IIon. Humphrey Marshall, q few years since, endoavorod to organize an Emancipation party, independent in its action of both OF the old par tics Finding that his scheme would not take and determined to be leader in some move mont that will keep him prominently before the people, he now takes tack in an entirely oppo- site direction, and is endeGvorug 10 organize Southern Union party. 1t needs no prophet to predict the rcsult-ioyisriHo (ky.) Courier

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #2: begins: "From tho True Democrat. A Question. The question, why the most liberal of Southern men," … ends: "sentative. at Washington, on the 9Th of April, aud in answer 70 the question asked"
[2] AS #10: begins: "by himself "What is the prominent ques- ton of the day'" says:- "The great, leading," … ends: "10 organize Southern Union party. 1t needs no prophet to predict the rcsult-ioyisriHo (ky.) Courier"

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightobituary ↔ AS #4, AS #9 p2-3 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 97.2 · token set 91.8 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 94% AS puts a line of it in another article

stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): Both pieces belong to a single continuous obituary article; piece [2] continues the same narrative (the window rescue sentence carries over, and the article runs to its signed conclusion by L. Maria Child).
stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The second piece is simply the continuation of the obituary of Isaac T. Hopper that begins in the first piece; the break mid-sentence ('he re-appeared' / 'in the room, through another second story window') shows they are a single article.

American Stories puts part of this component in another article: «i. MARIA CHILD.» (inside this component; AS article #1) snewpapers right

stated first: the component does not include it (American Stories): snewpapers right (said belongs): The line 'i. MARIA CHILD.' is the byline/signature at the end of the obituary article, so it is part of the same printed item.
stated first: the component includes it (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said belongs): The line 'L. MARIA CHILD.' is the author's byline/signature that concludes the obituary/article, so it is part of the same printed item.

snewpapers

From the N. Y. Tribune.

Death of Isaac T. Hopper.

On Friday last, in the 81st year of his age, Isaac T. Hopper closed his earthly pilgrimage, which had been one long mission of energetic benevolence. When he was a lad, eleven or twelve years old, he happened to see an old coloured man sitting on the fence, watching him with a very dejected countenance. He went up to him, and inquired why he seemed so sad. "Ah," said the old man, "I was thinking of the time when I was a boy, like you, before the white men came and carried me off into Slavery, see how my hands were torn by clinging to bushes, brambles, and rocks, as they dragged me along!" He held out his hard hands, which still showed the scars left by deep wounds in that desperate struggle. As he walked thoughtfully away, he made an inward vow that, from that time, through his whole life, he would be the friend of Africans; and faithfully he kept this juvenile resolution.

He was one of the very earliest friends of the slaves, and, to his latest hour, he warmly sympathized with their wrongs. He was a prominent member of the first Abolition Society in Pennsylvania, and labored zealously with Benjamin Rush, Dr. Rogers, and other distinguished philanthropists of the time. No man at that period, not even eminent judges and advocates, was better acquainted with all the intricacies of law questions connected with Slavery. His accurate legal knowledge, his natural acuteness, his ready tact in avoiding dangerous corners, and slipping through unseen loopholes, often gave him the victory in cases that seemed hopeless to other minds. On many of these occasions, physical courage was needed as much as moral firmness; but Friend Hopper possessed both these qualities in a remarkable degree. When a loaded pistol was pointed at his breast, he looked the slave-hunter steadily in the eyes, and said calmly, "Foolish man, put up that murderous weapon! Dost thou expect to terrify me from my duty?" Once he was thrown out of a second story window, by two or three enraged men, who were binding a slave with cords; but he re-appeared in the room, through another second story window, a few minutes after, and rescued their victim by simple boldness and presence of mind.

After his removal to Philadelphia, fewer cases of this kind were brought under his observation. Systematic arrangements to aid 'fugitives from injustice' had become more common; and even among those who talked loudest against Abolitionists, there was an increasing tendency to ask no questions when they saw a coloured man in a hurry to step Northward. But though Friend Hopper's zeal and energy were less needed in slave cases in his later years, he was always ready and active when called upon. Not many months before his decease, he left his bed at midnight to place a poor fugitive in safety; and had the step involved imprisonment during the remainder of his natural life, the brave old man would not have hesitated for a moment.

In all the mobs where freedom of speech on the subject of Slavery has been assailed in N. York, he always met the rioters with calm, steady courage; and when he walked about in the midst of them, no one ventured to insult the dignified old man, whose bearing told plainly enough that he never knew the sensation of fear. His last appearance on any such occasion was on the platform of the Society Library, in 1850, when democrats so far forgot their own principles as to make a noisy and brutal onset on men who met to declare to the world that Slavery is oppression, and ought not to be tolerated by honest freemen.

Friend Hopper was deeply grieved by the inhuman custom of excluding coloured people from cars and omnibusses. Once, when a woman of modest deportment, and neatly dressed, was turned out into the rain, for no other fault than having a brown complexion, he indignantly jumped out of the cars and walked home in the rain himself, though well nigh eighty years old, and weary with the labors of the day. Sometimes coloured men were ordered to stand on the platform outside of the cars; and whenever he heard such orders given, he walked out and stood with them. His earnest representations to the managers did, at one time, effect a temporary change; but things soon relapsed into their former state. If New York contained ten men like Friend Hopper, this unchristian custom would soon be abolished forever.

A vase, with a bird standing beside it, was given to one of his children by a ransomed slave, forty years ago, and was always preserved in the family. During his last illness, he asked to have it placed on the mantel-piece before him, and seemed to find pleasure in being thus reminded of one of the many victims he had rescued from oppression.

It was the subject of Slavery that produced separation between him and the Society of Friends, to whom he was closely bound by early religious associations and many years of fellowship. They would not consent to make any exertion in favor of the slave themselves, and at the same time they required members, whose consciences were more alive on the subject, not to co-operate with individuals of other sects. They were satisfied with referring to testimonies against Slavery recorded by early fathers of the sect; but Friend Hopper's sincere and earnest nature required that professed principles should be manifested in action. Under such circumstances, what could he do? If he followed the footsteps of Jesus, there was no other way but to 'leave the dead to bury their dead.'

His enlarged sympathies had always embraced the criminal and the imprisoned, as well as the oppressed; but the last eight years of his life were peculiarly devoted to the Prison Association. In this department of benevolence, he manifested the same zealous kindness and untiring diligence that had been so long exerted for the coloured people. The last time he rode out during his illness, he called at the Anti-Slavery Office, and the Office of the Prison Association. The objects for which they labor formed the earliest and latest links in his long life of benevolence and usefulness, and to them he bade his last farewell.

L. MARIA CHILD.

American Stories

From tho n. Y. Trihunc.

Death Of Isaac 7, Hopper.

On Friday last, in the Slst year Of his age, ISAAC I. EopPER closed his earthly pilgrimage, which had been one long mission of energetic bencvolence. When he was q lad, eleven or twelve years old, he happened to sec an old coloured man sitting on tho fence, watching him with very detected countcnPncc. He went up to him, and inquired why he seemed so sad. "Ah," said the old man, "I was thinking Of the time when | was a boy, like you, before the white men came and carried me of into Slavery, sec how my hands were torn by clinsipg TO bushes, bramblcs, and rocks, as they dragged me along" He held out his hard hands, which still showed the scars left by deep wounds in that desperate struggle As he walked thoughtfully away, he made an inward vow that, from that time, through his whole life, he would be the friend of Africans /; and faithfully ne kept this juvenile resolution

lie was one of the very earliest friends of tho slaves, and, to his latest hour. he warmly sym. pathized with their wrongs. lie was a promi- nent member OF tho first Abolition Society in Pennsylvania, and laborcd zealously with Ben jamin Rush, DR.. Rogers, and other distinguish ed philanthropists of the time. No man at that period, not even eminent judges and advo- Gates, was better acquainted with all the intri- cacies of law questions connected with Slavery. His accurate legal knowledge, his natural aeuteness, his ready tact in avoiding dangerous corners, and clipping through unseen loop holes, Otter gave him the victory in cases that seemed hopeless to other minds. On many of these occasions, physical courage was needed as much as moral tirmness; but Friend Hopper possessed both these qualities in a remarkable degree. When loaded pistol was pointed at his breast, he looked the slaye-hunt steadily in the eyes, and said calmly, Foolish man, put up that murderous weapon Dost thou expect to tcrrify me from my dutyi" Once he was thrown out of second story window, by two or three enrage1 men, who were binding slave with cords but he ro-appeared

. IllO Il IL VI lIGs

in the room, through another second story win dow, few minutes after, and rescued their victim by simple boldness and presence of mind.

After his removal to Philadelphia, fewer cases Of this kind were brought under his OBJ servation. Systematic arrangements to aid "fu- pitiyes from injustice" had become more COM mon ard even among those who talked loud est against Abolitionists there was an increas- ing tendency to ask no questions when they saw a colourod man in hurry to step North ward. But though Friend IIoppers zeal and energy were less needed in slave cases in his later years, he was always ready and active when called upon. Not many months before his deccase, he left his bed at midnight to place poor fugitive in safety and had the step in volvtd imprisonment during the remainder of his natural life, tho brave old man would not have hesita,od for a moment.

In all the mobs where freedom Of speech on the subject of Slavery has been assailcd in n. York, he always met the rioters with calm, steady courage; and when he walked about in the midst Of them, no ono vcntuTcd to insult the dignifed old man, whose bearing told plain ly enough that he never knew the sensation of fear. Ills last appearance on any such occa- sion was on the platform of the Society Libra ry in 1850, when democrats so far forgot their own principles as to mako noisy and brutal onset on men who met to declare to the world that Slavery is oppression, and ought not to be tolerated by honest freemon.

Friend Hopper was deeply grievcd by the inhuman custom Of excluding coloured people from cars and omnbusscs. Once, when q woman of modest department, and neatly dressed, was turned out into the rain, for no other fault than having brown complexion, he Indignantly jumped out of tho cars and walked home in the rain himself, though well nigh eighty years old, and weary with the labors of Of the day. Sometimes colourcd men were ordered to stand on the platform outside of the cars and whenever he heard such orders given, he walked out and stood with them. His car nest reprcsontions to the managers did at enc time, effect temporary change; but things soon rolapscd into thoir former state. If New York contained ten men like Friend Hopper, this unchristian custom would soon be abolish cd forever.

a vase, with bird standing beside it, was given to one of his children by a ransomed slave, forty years ago, and was always prescrv- cd in tho family. During his last illness, he asked to have it placed on the mantcl-pieco be- fore him, and seemed to find pleasure in being thus reminded of one of the many victims he had rescued forom oppression.

it was the subject Of Slavery that produced separation between him and the Society OF Friends, to whom he was closely bound by carly religious associations and many years OF fellowship. They would not consent to make any exertion in favor of the slave themselves, and at the same time they required members, whose conscicnces were moro alive on the sub ject, not to cooperate with individuals OF other sccts. They were satisfied with referring to testimonies against Slavery recorded by carly fathers of the sect but Friend Hoppor's sincere and earnest nature required that pro- fcsscd principles should be manifested in action. Under such circumstances, what could he do : If he followed the footsteps OF Jesus, there was no other way but to "lcave the dead to bury their dead"

His enlarged sympathes had always embrace cd tho criminal and the imprisoned, as well as the oppressed but the last eight years of his life were peculiarly devoted to the Prison As soeiation, In this department of bcncvoonce, he manifested the same zsalous kindness and untiring diligence that had been so long exert cd for the colourcd people. The last time he role out during his illness, no called at tho An IT, Slavery Office, and the Office of tho Prison Association. The objects for which they labor formed the earliest and latest links in his long life of bcncvolencc and usefulness, and to them he hadc his last farewell.

i. MARIA CHILD.

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #4: begins: "From tho n. Y. Trihunc. Death Of Isaac 7, Hopper. On Friday last, in the" … ends: "by two or three enrage1 men, who were binding slave with cords but he ro-appeared"
[2] AS #9: begins: ". IllO Il IL VI lIGs in the room, through another second story win dow," … ends: "of bcncvolencc and usefulness, and to them he hadc his last farewell. i. MARIA CHILD."

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightletter_to_editor ↔ AS #1, AS #11 p2-4 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 95.2 · token set 91.9 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 96%

stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The passage is a single continuous newspaper correspondence/letter from Boston (signed D.Y.), with the second part simply continuing the same article after a column break; the repeated heading and mid-sentence split do not indicate separate components.
stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): Both pieces are continuous columns of the same letter from Boston (the second picks up mid-sentence where the first ends), so they form a single article.

snewpapers

Kossuth in Boston—Daniel Webster.

Extracts from the Boston Correspondence of the Anti-Slavery Standard.

Boston, May 10th, 1852.

Well, we have had our turn at M. Kossuth, and, on the whole, have done about as well by him as most of the places he visited. To be sure, we did not go quite as Hungarian mad as you did in New York; but then, on the other hand, we didn't turn any of our pets into the street as you did, after you was convalescent.

* * * My only opportunity of hearing him speak was on the occasion of the Legislative Banquet given to him in Faneuil Hall. Not that I went to the Banquet, not feeling disposed to give M. Kossuth a dinner, honoris causa, by way of honor, not thinking he had deserved any at the hands of an Abolitionist, though I was very willing to give him a dollar for a dinner, forma pauperis, if he should ever be in actual want of one, as is not unlikely. So I bought a ticket for the gallery, and had the pleasure of sitting seven hours (but in good company) seeing other people eat, and hearing them talk. M. Kossuth did not lay himself out for an eloquent speech, though it was one of the longest he has given in this country, being fully two hours long. It was mainly historical and did not contain many facts with which one who has kept moderately posted up about current history would not be acquainted. But his management of his voice is very fine and his air and manner grace itself. I could easily understand how it is that he exercises such extraordinary personal influence, and that so few persons can withstand the magic of his presence. The scene was effective, though not so fine as our own Banquet to Mr. Thompson. Assembly Hall, where that was held, is better calculated to display such an audience than Faneuil Hall, and, besides, we had at least a third more in number, and one half of them being women, the spectacle was finer. And, indeed, the enthusiasm was as much more genuine and hearty on that occasion, as it was a more real one.

It is funny what different luck different people have in this world. True it is, as Goldsmith's Contented Sailor says, that 'one man is born with a silver spoon in his mouth, and another with a wooden ladle.' Now why should not Louis Kossuth be hung in effigy on Springfield Common as George Thompson was? Why should not the windows of his hotel have been broken, and night made hideous by a mob the Republican had excited. But he was received with processions, Dr. Osgood's church (the same worthy Doctor who came near having his head broken by a stone meant for Mr. Thompson) was opened for him to speak in, Hungarian Bonds sold readily in the market, and he went away comforted strengthened. So in Boston, why did not the city government give him the same reception thus awarded to Sims? He was no more a fugitive than Sims, and from nothing like so bad a Slavery. Why was not Marshal Tukey instructed to prevent a riot in the streets, and why did not that over-zealous official, in order to prevent a riot, arrest M. Kossuth and chain him up in the Court House? And why did not Commissioner Curtis send him back to Austria as a fugitive? There was just as much law for the one case as the other, and more common sense. The hospitality of the State was due to the one as much as to the other. The 'Sims Brigade,' indeed, was under arms on both occasions: but on the last, in honour of the fugitive, as on the first to the dishonour of their city and themselves. M. Kossuth should have been advised as to what shabby dogs they were. I don't think he has stood quite straight since he came to this country (as I have said heretofore, and may again, but not now,) but I don't think he deserved such an insult as to be escorted by the Sims Brigade. They are too mean.

The poor Whigs! They are always out of luck! Have you heard what a blessed piece of luck they narrowly escaped? Mr. Webster, you must know, has come on to arrange about the District Elections to the Whig Nominating Convention. He arrived, and as his organs assure us, by a purely spontaneous movement, a multitude ranging, according to the vividness of the reporter's imaginations, from four hundred to two thousand, met him at the Station with deafening cheers. By the same spontaneous process (a marvel never approached since Cinderella's god-mother died), a barouche and six was conjured up to convey him to his lodgings, where, entirely unprepared as he was, he made an impromptu speech. But all this, though spontaneous, was but the order of Nature (Why Nature) and is not what I am coming to. After this unexpected, but therefore the more gratifying, Reception, the Farmer of Marshfield proceeded to his Tusculum to see how the Spring work went on. Now came the ill-luck of the Whigs: on his way from the nearest Station to his house, he was thrown from his carriage; but, such being the Whig Fate, he did not break his neck! No! The ancient prophecy was fulfilled, and the Serpent only bruised his head! Possibly, however, as he fell on his face, he may have agreeably varied his diet by eating some Northern dirt. Had the news only arrived that he was out of their way! The onion market might have risen, newspapers would have been edged with black, a portentous funeral would have blackened the streets, Mr. Choate would have lied over him like a bulletin or an epitaph, or what is the same thing, a Eulogy; but what a relief it would have been! Compelled by Mr. Webster's personal influence and insolence, they are compelled to stand by him for the Presidency. They know as well as you and I, that either you or I have as good a chance as he. By standing by him, they forfeit all claim to the spoils in the remote contingency of Scott's election. Poor fellows! No pap for them. They are shelved. They are your only martyrs of this Age. Fox's Book has nothing that can hold a candle to them.—D. Y.

American Stories

KOSsuih In BOsiOn-Daniel Webster.

Extracts from the Boston Correspondence of the Anti Slavery Standard.

Extracts from the Boston Correspondence of the Anti.Slavcry Standard.

BosroN, May 10th, 1852.

Well, we have had our turn at NJ Kossuth, and, and on the whole, have done about as we'll by him as most of the places he visited. To be sure, wc did not go quite as Hungarian mad as you did in New York but then,o on the other hand, VIC didn't turn any of our pets into the street as you did, after you was convalcscent.

My only opportunity of hearing him speak was on the occasion of the Legislative Banquet given TO him in Faneuil Holl. Not that went to the Banquet, not feeling disposed TO give NJ. Kossuth dinnor, hOnoris cansa, by way of honor, not thinking he had deserved any at the hands of an Aboli- tionists, though was very willing to give him dollar for dinner, .torma pauperis, if he should ever be in actual want of one, as is not unlikely. So bought ticket for the gallery, and had the pleasure Of sitting seven hours (bLt in good company seeing other people cat, and hearing them talk. NJ. Kossuth did not lay himself out for an eloquent speech, though it was one of the longest he has given in this country, being fully two hours long. 1t was mainly historical and did not contain many facts with which one who has kept moderately post cd up about current history would not be acquainted. But his management of his voice is very fine and his air and manner grace itself. 1 could easily understand how it is that he ex- ercises such extraordinary personal influence, and that SO few persons can Withstand the mag ic of his presence. The scene was effective, though not so fine as our own Banquet to Mr.. Thompson. Assembly Hall, where that was

held, is better calculated to display such an au- al least third moro in number, and one half Of them being women, the spectacle was finer. And, indeed, the enthusiasm was as much more genuine and hearty on that occasion, as it was amore real one.

II is funny what different luck different peo- plc have in this world. True ii is,as Goldsmith's Contented Sailor says, that "ono man is born with silver spoon in his mouth, and another with wooden ladle." Now why should not Louis Kossuth be hung in eliigy on Springfield Common as George Thompson wasi Why should not the windows of his hotel have been Republican had excited. But he was received with professions, DIR. Osgood's church (tho same worthy Doctor who came near having his head broken by stone meant for Mr.. Thomp- son) was opened for him to speak in, Hunga- rion Bonds sold rea lily in the market, and he went away comforted strengthened. SO in Boston, why did not the city government give him the same reception thus awarded to Sims lie was no more a fugitive than Sims, and from nothing like so bad Slavery. Why was not Marshal TuSey instructed to prevent a riot in tho streets, and why did not that over jealous official, in order to prevent riot, arrest DI. Kossuth and chain him up in the Court House, And why did not Commissioner Curtis send him back to Austria as fugitivci There was just as much law for the ono case as the other, | h.a,,;s.ltf,. If the State was due to the one as much as TO tho other. The "Sims Brigade" indeed, was under arms on both occasions; but on the last, in honour Of the fugitive, rs on the first to the dis honour of their city and themselves. NJ. Kos suth should have been advised as to what shah. by dogs they were. Idon't think he has stood quite straight since he came to this country Gas have said heretofore, and may again, but not now,) hut don't think he deserved such an in- suit as to be escorted by the sims Brigade. They are too mean.

Tho poor Wings They are always out of luck Have you heard what a blessed piece of luck they narrowly escaped; Mr.. Webster, you must know, has come on 10 arrange about tho District Elections TO the Wing Nominating Convention. lie arrived, and as his organs Us sure us, by a purely spontaneous movement, a multitude ranging, according to the yiyidnoss of the reporters imasinotions, from four hun dred to two thousand, met him at the Station with dcaienirg cheers. By the same sponta- ncous process Ga marvel never approached since Cindcrella's god-uoihcr died), barouche and six was conjured up to convey him to his lods- ings, where, entirely unprcparcd as he was, he made an impromptu speech. But all this, though spontaneous, was but the order Of Ma turo( Why Naturc)andi Ia not what am coming to. After this unexpected, but therefore the more gratifying, Reception, the Farmer of Maishield proceeded to his Tusculum TO see how the Spring work went on. Now came the ill-luck Of the Wings: on his way from the nearest Station to his house, he was thrown from his carriage but, such being tho Whig Fate, he did not break his neck No! The ancient prophecy was fulfilled, and the Serpent only bruised his head Possibly, however, as lie fell on his face, he may have ngrecably varied his dict by eating somo Northern dirt. Had the news only arrived that he was out of their way! The onion market might have risen, newspapers would have been edged with black, portentous funeral would have blackcncd the streets, Mr.. Choatc would have lied over him like bulletin or an cpitaph,or what is the same thing, n Ealcgy; but what relief it would have been Compelled by Mr.. Wcbster's per- sonal influence and insolcncc, they are compell- cd TO stand by lin for the Presidency. They know as well as You and 7, that either you or I have as good a chance as he. BY standing by him, they forfeit all claim to the sports IN the remote contingency of Scott's election Poor fellows! No pap for them. They are 'hslrod. They are your only martyrs of this Age. Fox's Book has nothing that can hold candle to | them.-D. Y.

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #1: begins: "KOSsuih In BOsiOn-Daniel Webster. Extracts from the Boston Correspondence of the Anti Slavery Standard. Extracts" … ends: "not so fine as our own Banquet to Mr.. Thompson. Assembly Hall, where that was"
[2] AS #11: begins: "held, is better calculated to display such an au- al least third moro in number," … ends: "of this Age. Fox's Book has nothing that can hold candle to | them.-D. Y."

1:1 matchmatchdomestic_news ↔ AS #5 p2-5 ratio 98.0 · token set 92.4 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.94 · ours covers 100% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 99%, AS 96%

snewpapers

American Woman Whipping

A free colored woman was committed to Jail at Richmond, Va. and condemned to thirty-nine lashes, on the 5th inst. The crime alleged was that of being found without papers, and while under recognizance to appear and answer a charge of assaulting Elizabeth King she undertook to make her escape from the city attired as a man.

(Haynau had better come to this country where woman-whipping is highly respectable and no doubt pays well.)—Liberator.

And this act was committed within the bounds of this glorious Union—this land of refinement, of just and christian laws, this model republic which makes a louder boast of all good principles than any other nation on the globe! Yes, and the whole Union is bound to aid if necessary in the enforcement of this woman-whipping law.

O for that day when man by wisdom ruled, shall love his neighbor as he loves himself; when all shall feel that they are equal brothers, members of one band placed here but for a few brief moments, to perfect themselves in love, that they may dwell through an eternal age in bliss supreme.—Pleasure Boat.

American Stories

American Woman Whipping.

A free colored woman was committed to Jail at Richmond, Va. and condemned TO ihirty-nhe laslles, on the 9th inst. The crime alleged was that of being found without papers, and while under recogni- zance TO appear and answer a charge of assaulting Elizabeth King she undertook to make her escape from the city altred as a man.

(Haynau had better come TO this county where woman-whipping is highly res pectable aud no doubt phys well. .)-LiberatOr.

And this act was committed within the bounds of this glorious 'Union-this land of refinement, of just and christian laws, this model republic which makes louder boast Of all good principles that any other nation on the globe'l Yes, and the whole Union is bound TO aid if necessary in the enforcement of this wOman-whipping law.

o for that day when man by wisdom ruled, shall love his neighbor as he loves himself; when oil shall feel that they are equal brothers, members OF one band placed here but for few brief moments, to perfect themselves in love, that they may dwell through an eternal age in bliss supreme Pleasure Boat.

1:1 matchmatchdomestic_news ↔ AS #8 p2-6 ratio 97.5 · token set 92.0 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.98 · ours covers 100% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 99%, AS 96%

snewpapers

The General Conference of the African M. E. Church, has been in session in this city during the last eleven days, and is progressing rapidly in its business. Two of its members have been elected to strengthen the Episcopacy, viz: Rev. Willis Nazery of Philadelphia, and Rev. Daniel A. Payne, of Baltimore, Md. Mr. Payne, we are informed, is a native of Charleston, South Carolina.—An Editor of The Christian Herald, Pittsburg, and General Book Steward, and officers yet to be elected. The two Bishops elect are to be consecrated this Thursday afternoon, May 13, at 4 o'clock, in Bethel, Second st., between Avenues B and C.—A. S. Standard.

American Stories

THE General Conference of the African NJ. E. Church, has been in session in this city during the last eleven days, and is pro- crossing rapidly in its business. Two OF its members have been elected to strengthen the Episcopacy, viz: Rev. Willis Nazery of Phil adelphin, and Rev. Daniel A. Payne, of Bal timore, Md. Mr.. Payne, we are informed, is native of Charleston, South Carolina An Editor of The Christian Herald, Pitts burgh, and General Book Steward, and Off GERS yet to be elected. The two Bishops elect are to be consecrated this Thursday afternoon, May 10, at A o'clock, in Bethel Second ST., between Avenues b and Ca. S. Standard.

1:1 matchmatcheditorial ↔ AS #3 p2-7 ratio 96.2 · token set 90.8 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.97 · ours covers 99% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 94% AS attaches text outside it

American Stories also attaches: «VOL. T..» (outside this component; AS article #3) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): «VOL. T..» is a volume/issue line typical of a newspaper masthead, i.e., page furniture, not part of this article.
stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): «VOL. T..» is a masthead/volume line, i.e. page furniture, not part of the article's content.

ours onlynot captured by ASepigraph p3-1

snewpapers

When God commands to take the trumpet And blow a dolorous or a jarring blast, it Lies not in man's will what he shall say or What he shall conceal.—Milton.

American Stories

nothing

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightdomestic_news ↔ AS #25, AS #19, AS #20, AS #12 p3-2 1 snewpapers : 4 AS · ratio 92.5 · token set 88.5 · AS covers 95% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 94% AS attaches text outside it AS puts a line of it in another article

stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The numbered pieces are continuous portions of a single report on the American Anti-Slavery Society anniversary meeting, with the text running on between them (e.g. [1] to [2] and [3] to [4] continue mid-sentence); it is one article.
stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): All four pieces are continuous narrative of the Anti-Slavery Society anniversary proceedings, with section heads like 'SECOND DAY' merely subdividing one report rather than starting new items.

American Stories also attaches: «BxRcurvE CoxmrrBn meets June 9th» (outside this component; AS article #25) snewpapers right

stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): snewpapers right (said separate): The line "BxRcurvE CoxmrrBn meets June 9th" is a brief notice of an upcoming meeting, unrelated to the lengthy report on the American Anti-Slavery Society anniversary.
stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said separate): The short notice 'BxRcurvE CoxmrrBn meets June 9th' is a brief meeting announcement, a distinct item separate from the long report on the American Anti-Slavery Society anniversary.

American Stories puts part of this component in another article: «THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.» (inside this component; AS article #10) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component includes it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): «THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE» is the newspaper's title/masthead, page furniture that should not determine which system is right.
stated first: the component does not include it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is the newspaper's title/masthead, which is page furniture rather than part of the article's content.

snewpapers

American Anti-Slavery Society

We have just returned from attendance upon the Anniversary of this Society. As it was our first attendance, we can not speak of it in comparison with the past. But to us it was an interesting occasion, and one which we trust time will prove to have been eminently serviceable to the cause of the slave. The official proceedings of the meeting we will give next week.

New England, Pennsylvania, Ohio and some distant portions of New York were respectably represented, though by no means as numerously as they would have been, but for the character of the season which prevented the attendance of the farmers. From the active friends of the slave in Rochester, of all classes, the Society received an earnest sympathy and a cordial hospitality which was most cheering to those who attended from a distance. Many of the long tried, vigilant and unwearied friends of the Society and its principles were present, hopeful in spirit, and ready for new and unremitting labor in the cause. Though all seemed to realize the magnitude and difficulty of the enterprise, none were desponding, none seemed weary in well doing, none were disposed to remit or relax their efforts. The vigor of new-born zeal, seemed to mark the words and looks of all, though they were assembled to celebrate their nineteenth anniversary. True, their zeal was tempered with the maturity which their past experience would of necessity beget; but that maturity was evinced by a quiet indomitable firmness, which promised, if need be, a life's devotion to the cause, and with prophetic tongue proclaimed the certainty of ultimate success.

The first session of the Society was devoted to the organization of the meeting, to a brief address by Mr. Garrison and to a discussion of a resolution in eulogy of Isaac T. Hopper, who had ever been the unwavering friend of the Society, and for several years its Treasurer. Messrs. Garrison, Oliver Johnson, and H. C. Wright were the principal speakers. Mr. Johnson stated that the life of Mr. Hopper would soon be published, prepared by Mrs. L. M. Childs.

In the afternoon, Mr. Garrison proceeded to state the objects, principles and measures of the Society. Its object is not sectional, if so he should despise it. Not national--that would be large and grand. It is more. It is world-wide in its designs. Not complexional, whatever his color, "A man is a man for a' that."

It is not sectarian, nor partisan, though radically at issue with the religious and political parties of the country, because these parties are enemies of human liberty. In our conflict with these parties, we have acted only on the defensive. They who want peace, must cease to assail the slave. He is bleeding; we who go to his succor, must expect to receive contumely; and yet we are men of peace. We are calumniated as promoters of strife. It is as true as the charge against Jesus, that he had a Devil. If we are in conflict with all, it is because all are in conflict with liberty. At the outset we had no idea of being called upon to give up parties or churches. The hour came when our parties rejected our principles. Then we had to choose between God and Belial.

Any man not a slaveholder may stand upon our platform. They who find themselves excluded, should enquire the cause. Men and women have fled from us as though we had the leprosy; what does it mean? Men and women whose feet are on the rock; who love something better than Anti-Slavery, generally know it. They fear exposure. But the Anti-Slavery spirit is lion like. So long as the Anti-slavery society adopts free speech she is safe. Why don't they come to us?— Instinct is a great thing. There are but few to do a mighty work, that no flesh should glory in the presence of God.

You have no right to shrink from the severest scrutiny. We are not to be judged by our theology. It is not fair to raise an issue with us in relation to other subjects. It is not honest, it is not manly-I invite you to sit in judgment on my anti-slavery. If I have turned aside, if I have compromised the interests of the slave, condemn me. I have cut off my right hand. I know what it costs and therefore I call upon others to do so too. We must be willing to forsake houses and lands. No other spirit is competent to grapple with slavery and all opposition to this spirit will fail to suppress it.

Mr. Pillsbury succeeded Mr. Garrison, and very effectively disposed of a shower of questions, and objections, some honest and others captious.

Joseph Barker said it was the condemnation of Orthodoxy that Anti-Slavery was in its creed, but not in its life and practice. Orthodoxy may rescue itself from the charge of pro-slavery by adopting in heart and life the anti-slavery found in its creed. The anti-slavery movement would then become an orthodox movement,

Samuel J. May illustrated the fact that the antagonism of anti-slavery to churches and parties necessarily resulted from fidelity to the principle of freedom. He forcibly presented this by a reference to the history of the enterprise. Briefly but happily alluding to several prominent incidents.

At the commencement of the evening session, the following noble letter from Gerrit Smith was read by the President:

Peterboro', May 6, 1852.

W. Lloyd Garrison—My Dear Sir: You tell me in your letter received this evening, that you will excuse me from answering it. But I will not consent to be excused from answering so generous and beautiful a letter. I will not consent to let a single hour pass without assuring you of my continued and increasing esteem and love for you. The members of the American Anti-Slavery Society and the members of the Liberty party do not all of them understand each other.

They are all still, to some extent, jealous of each other, and occasionally say hard things of each other. There were some proofs of this in the meeting held in Rochester in March last. It is because of this mutual misapprehension that I was fearful of unpleasant occurrences in the meeting in Syracuse a year ago. I had some fears that these Abolitionists of different names might wound each other and wound the common cause by ill nature and unjust remarks, but my fears were not realized.

That excellent meeting was characterized by good sense and by a tolerant spirit, and will, I trust, be characteristic of the approaching meeting in Rochester. I ascribe an equal degree of integrity to the American Anti-Slavery Society, and the little handful that is left in the Liberty party. I recognize but two points of difference between them, and these are points which make nothing against the honesty of either party. The American anti-slavery man will not vote.— The Liberty party man will. It is true that the Liberty party man will vote whether he shall believe the Constitution to be anti-slavery or pro slavery, for he claims that the right to vote is derived from a higher source than the Constitution. Whenever he shall be convinced that this instrument does, under a legal interpretation of it, require the upholding of slavery, he will then as sternly as the American Anti-Slavery-Society refuse to swear to support it. I do not understand that the American Anti-Slavery Society is opposed to civil government, and it appears from your letter before me that I have misapprehended your individual position on that subject. You will set me right, and I shall thank you for doing so.

The grand point of agreement between the American Anti-Slavery Society and the Liberty party, and which, in my esteem, makes them substantially one, is their holding in common that the law for Slavery, whether found in the Constitution or not, is but a nominal law, and is everywhere and always to be trampled under foot. Their grand point of agreement, in other words, is that Slavery is an outlaw, a diabolical, mean, shameless outlaw, and that not only is every man at liberty to treat it as such, but is bound to treat it as such. The American Anti-Slavery Society and the Liberty party are agreed that the rules and arrangements of any other form of piracy do not create obligations nor bind the conscience. Would that the Free Soil party and the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society might no longer delay to come into this agreement with us.

The greatest obstacle to the union of all American Abolitionists would be removed, and with that union would be fresh help for a speedy and bloodless termination of American Slavery. I cannot go to Rochester, much as I would love to take you and a hundred other friends there by the hand, and much as I should love to hear Wendell Phillips, who I am glad to learn from your letter is to be there. I suppose that there will be a call in the meeting for contributions to funds of your Society. Please consider the enclosed draft for twenty-five dollars as my response to such call. Your friend and brother,

GERRIT SMITH.

Joseph Barker said there were many things in this country of which he was justly proud, and which he could honestly commend. He had chosen this country for his home, and consequently was interested in whatever concerned the welfare and happiness of the people. He would like to feel that the country was such as he could be proud of. Would have it as bright as the sun without its spots. Slavery was a crime so monstrous and contradictory of the professions of the people, that tyrants everywhere scoffed at their pretensions of republicanism. It disgraced the United States, in the estimation of the whole civilized world, and tended to strengthen despotism wherever it existed. In answer to arguments in favor of Democracy, the advocates of despotism pointed triumphantly to slavery.— Slavery if not destroyed would become the destroyer of the liberty we now enjoy. For these reasons he maintained that the abolition of slavery would remove the greatest obstacle to the progress of liberty everywhere. Mr. Barker presented his views with great clearness and force.

He was followed by Wendell Phillips. We cannot pretend to give his words, or at all do justice to the life and spirit of his remarks— Though we will try to jot down some of his prominent thoughts. The magnetism of slavery was like the steel springs in the chronometer maker's wig. Their attraction put all his machinery in disorder, so slavery affects all questions and disarranges all the interests of the country. The Americans trust to the elective franchise to carry all reforms. They were voting-mad. They even thought men could be voted in and out of the Kingdom of Heaven. Because voting was a good thing in one case, they thought it must be in all. If this question of slavery was to be decided by vote, he desired it might be put to the whole world, then we should be found in the majority.

Reforms must be effected from without. He who hopes to reform church or government while in either is like the boy in the basket who tried to lift himself by the handles. Bentham, who had viewed this question at all points, said he knew of no epoch at which the people wrested from the privileged classes a right they did not obtain by a threat. They never yielded, except to fear. The Georges of England always quarreled with their heirs. They feared them. And thus there were two courts in London. So with ideas. The old never likes the new but fears and rejects it. The American people are not sufficiently independent. They rely upon the pulpit and the press to furnish them with opinions. They dared not form them for themselves. Thinking for oneself is the only American high treason. As Sidney Smith said, no man who was not worth £3000 had a right to have an opinion. So in this country, no man who has not a certain status had a right to think for himself. Whitfield once asked permission to preach to the army, and was told that he might do so, provided he preached nothing contrary to the articles of war. May I preach to the people, asks Dr. Dewey? "Yes," answers Webster, "if you preach nothing contrary to the Constitution." Now, what the Anti-Slavery Society demands is, that every man shall have the right to think and speak for himself, without reference to any one else. If he should say that some John Smith, living somewhere in New York, had declared that he would return his own mother to Slavery, he would be told that it was a waste of breath to repeat it. But if he said that Dr. Dewey had made such a declaration, every man takes off his hat. He is an institution-he has been appointed a chaplain in the Navy. Probably that he might go and see where Nero murdered his mother. People must get rid of this glamour-this deference for great names. They must view things for themselves and then their verdict would be with the Anti-Slavery men. They must rise above local prejudices and superstitions.— There is too much nationality in the religion of the people. It must be divested of that and brought back to its pure elements.

It had been said that he and his friends had alienated themselves from public sympathy, had shut themselves out of the pale of social life. It was true. They considered themselves as mere dead material, out of which the road was to be built over which the future millions of Anti-Slavery men were to walk. They had no regrets. The glorious privilege was theirs to think for themselves, and to utter their thoughts, without looking over their shoulders to see if ninety-nine men say amen. They had redeemed the Yankee privilege of asking questions, although great men declined to answer them. They were fixed in their positions and could not be swerved or swallowed up by such another mighty maelstrom as that at Washington.

The popular sentiment had affected our great men—we had gone from a Washington way down to a Webster. Washington had not dared to send to New Hampshire after his own fugitive slave, lest he should offend the prejudices of Daniel Webster's great-grandfathers. But Webster advises his own cousins to "conquer their prejudices."

America was going backward towards Aristocracy, while Europe was advancing toward Democracy. The waves of popular sentiment were even beating against Russia, threatening to reduce that great Empire.

If two days' calm attention would be given to the discussions, people here would come to agree with Fox that the English language is incompetent to express the enormity of Slavery.

SECOND DAY

The forenoon of the second day was devoted to an informal conversation among the friends of the cause, and the afternoon to discussion of the character of the constitution. Wendell Phillips maintaining its pro-slavery, and Frederick Douglass its anti-slavery character. Mr. Phillips based his argument, not upon the intentions of the framers, or the history of the document; but upon the fair interpretation of its language.

C. L. Remond and W. Phillips occupied the evening.

The discussions of the third day were of unusual interest, and were participated in by the previous speakers, by Mr. and Mrs. Foster, and others. The principal topics were the sufficiency of moral influence, for the removal of slavery, Colonization, and the fugitive law. The latter topic excited especial interest from the announcement that a kidnapper was at the commissioner's office procuring a warrant to seize three fugitives, who were known to be in the city. Whether the kidnapper was there or not, we cannot say. The fugitives were speedily and securely cared for, by the vigilance committee of the city. So that if it was in contemplation to seize another fugitive in the face of an Anti-Slavery Convention, they were again disappointed. Had they undertaken it, they would have found that the "do-nothing abolitionists," would practice treason as readily as they would preach it.

Mr. Phillips advocated in substance, the sentiments which we give to our readers to-day, in his Boston speech. While Mr. Garrison dissented from the position of Mr. Phillips in regard to taking the life of the kidnapper, both on account of principle and expediency. At a late hour on Thursday night, after the adoption of such resolutions as remained to be acted upon, the meeting adjourned. The resolutions and further particulars, we will give hereafter.

American Stories

Americnn Anli.Slayery Society.

we nave just Tcturheu Houh htteuuuHCc upon the Anniversary Of this Society. AS it was our first attendance, we can not speak oft in comparison with the past. But to us il was an interesting OCCASION, and one which we trust time will prove to have been emf nently servceablo to the cause of the slave. The official proceedings Of the meeting we will give next week.

New England, Pennsylvania, Ohio and some distant portions OF New York were respectfully represented, though by no means rs numerousiy as they would have been, but for the character of the season which pre- vented tic attendance of the farmers. Fiom the active friends of the slave in Rochester, of all classes, the Society received an earn est sympathy and cordial hospitality which WINS most cheering to those who attended from distance. Many OF the long tried, vigiant and unwenried friends of the Society and its principles were present. hopeful in spirit, aud ready for new and unremiting labor in the cause. Though all seemed TO realize the magnitude and difficulty of the enterprise, nouo were despondng, none seemed weary in well doing, none were dis posed TO remit or relax their efforts. The vigor of newborn zeal, seemed TO mark the words aud Looks of all, though they were AS senlbed to celebrate their nineteenth uuui- vcrsary. True, their zeal was tempered with the maturity which their past experience would of Necessity bcgct; but that maturity WINS eyinccd 10y quiet udornilal'e firmness, which promised, If need be, II LIES devotion 10 tie cause, aud with prophetic tongue pro- clnimed the certainty Of ultimate SUCCESS.

The first session OF the Society was devo. ted 10 The organization OF the meeting, to II brief address hy Nlr. Garrison and to dis cl,ssion of resolution IN oulogy Of Isaac 4. Hopper, who had ever been the unwnyer- ing friend of the Society, aud for several years its Treasurer. Mcssrs. Garrison, Oil yer johnson, and II. c. Wight were the principal speakers. Mr. Johnson stated that the lilo of Mr.. Hopper would soon be pub lishcd, prepared 10y Mrs. l.. NJ. Childs.

In tho afternoon, Mr. Garrison proceeded to state the objects, principles aud measures Of the Socicty. Its Object is not sectional, it 20 he should dcspisc it. Not nhtional--tlIut would be large aud grand. 1t is more. Ills ,rorld-,eide in its designs. Not compleXional, whatever his color,

"a man is a man for a that"

It is not sectnrinn, nor partisan, though radically ut issue with the religious and pol iical parties of the country, because these parties nro enemies of human liberty. In our conflict with these parties, we have acted only oil the defensive. They who want peace, must cease 10 Hssnil the slave. lie is bleeding we who 90 to his succor, must expect to receive contuncly aud yet we are men Of peace. We are caIunniatcd as pro- moters of strife. 1t is rs true as the charge against Jesus, that Inc had Devil. II we are in conflict with all, it is because all are in conflict with liberty. AT the outset we had no idea Of being called upon TO give ur parties or churches. The hour came when our parties rejected our principles. Then we had TO choose bctwee God and lcliai.

Any man not a stakeholder may stand up on our platform. They who find themselves excluded, should enquire the cause. Men and women have fled from us as though We had the leprosy what does it mean? Men nnd women whose feet are on the rock; who love something better than Anti Slavery, gen orally know il. They fear exposure. Blu the Anti-Slavery spirit is lion like. So long us the Anti slavery society adopts free speecl she is safe. Why don't they come to us p Instinct is great thing. There are but few to do mighty work, that no flesh should glory in the presence of God.

You have no right 10 shrink from the Sc verest scrutiny. We nre not to be judged by our theology. tits not fair TO raise an issue with us in relation 10 other subjects. 1t is no honest, it is not manly-l invite you to sit il judgment on my anti-slavery. IfI have turned aside, if have compromised the interests o the slave, condemn me. have cut off my right hand. know what it costs and there fore call upon others to do SO too. W. must be willing to lorsnke houses and lands No other spirit is competent 10 grapple witt slavery and oil opposition to this spirit vii fail to suppress it.

MIR. Pillsbury succeeded Mr.. Garrison, an very effectively disposed of a shower { questions, and objections, some honest an others captious

Joseph Barker said it was the condemns ton of Orthodoxy that Ant-Slavery was in il sreed,but not in its life and practice. Orthc doxy may rescue itself from the charge {

parties necessarily resulted from fidelity to | tho principle of freedom. lie iorcibly pre- | scented this by reference TO the history of the enterprise. Briefly but happily olluding to several prominent incidents.

At the commencement of the evening session, the following noble letter from Ger ret Smith was read by the President:

PETrRBoRo May 6, 1852. Wm. LLOYD GAnMsoN-AH Dear Sir : You tell Inc in your letter received this evening, that YOU will excuse me from answering it. But will not consent TO be excused from answering so generous aud beautiful letter. | will not consent 20 let single hour pass without assuring you of my continued and increasing esteem and love for you. The members of the American Anti-Slavery Society aud the members of the Liberty party do not oil of them understand euch other.

They are all still, TO some extent, jealous of each other, and occasionally say hard things of each other. There were some proofs of this in tile meeting held IN lioches- Ter in March last. 1t is because of this mu- tinl misapprchonsion that wus fearful of unpleasant occurrences in the meeting in | Syracuse year ago. ] had some fears that these Aboitionists of different names might wound each other aud wound the common cause by i'll nature and unjust remarks, but | my fears were not realized.

Tint excellent meeting was characterized 10y good sense aud 10y tolerant spirit and will, | trust, he characteristic of the ap- preaching meeting in Rochester nscribe an equal degree of integrity to the American Anti-S slavery Society, and the little handful that is lclt in the Liberty party. | recognize but two points of difference between them, aud these are points which make nothing against the honesty of either puriy. The ! American unt-suvery man will not vote.- / The Liberty party man will. ltis true that / the Liberty party man will vote whether he shall believe the Constitution 10 he anti slavery or pro slavery, for he claims that the right to vote is derived from n higher source than tho Constitution. Whenever he shall he convinced that this instrument does, TN der legal Interpretation of il, require the upholding of slavery, he will then us s,crny as the American Auii.Slavory Society refuse TO swear TO support il. do not understand that the American Anli.Slavcry Society is opposed to civil government, and it appears iTom your letter before me thnt have mis- npprehcnded your individual position on That subject. You will set me right, aud shall thank you for doing so.

/ The grand point of agreement between the American An,iSlayeiy Society aud the Liberty party, aud which, ia my esteem, makes them substantially one, is their hold ing in common that the law for Slavery, whether found in the Constitution or not, Is is hut a nominal law, aud is everywhere and IL. ,I.,I ,,,,I,r 'Ihptr grand point of agreement, in other words, is that Slavery is an outlaw, diabOlcal, mean, shameless outlaw, and that not only is every man at liberty to treat it M such, hut is bound to trent il us such. The American Anti Slavery socicty and the Liberty party are agreed that the rules aud arrangements oi nny other form of piracy do not create obi. CATIONS nor bind the conscience. Would that the Free Soil party and the American and Foreign Ani-Savcry Society might no longer delay to come into this agreement with us.

The greatest obstacle TO the union Of al American hboliionists would be removed and with that union would he fresh help iOl speedy aud hloodIess termination Of Amer lean Slavery. ] cannot go to Rochcsier,mucl as | would love to take you aud hundred other friends there 10y the hand, aud mucl us should love to hear Wendell Phillips who am glad 10 learn from your letter is it he there. suppuse that there will he cal in the meeting for contributions to funds o your Society. Ploase consider The incloset draft for twenty-five dollars ns my response TO such call. Your friend and brother,

GgRRET SMITH.

Joseph Barker, said there were man! things in this country of which he was justly proud, aud which ho could honestly com mend. lie had chosen this country for h

home aud consequently was interested it whatever concerned the welfare aud Ilnppi ness of tic people. lie would like TO fee that the country was such us he could bt } proud of. Would have it as bright Os th' ! sun without It's spots. Slavery was n Grim, ; so monstrous aud contradictory of the pro fcssions Of the people, that tyrnnts every } where, scoffed at their pretensions of repub icnnism. 1t dsgrnced tie United States, il t the estimation of the whole civilized world ! aud tended tc strengthen despotsm where ! ever il existed. In answer TO arguments il

favor of Democracy, the advocates Of DIES potism pointed triumphun,ly TO slavery Slavery if not destroyed would become tn destroyer of the liberty We now enjoy. Fo these reasons lie maintained that the aboli , lion of slavery would remove the creates , obstacle TO the progress of liberty every where. Mr.. Barker presented his view ! with great clearness and force.

| lie was followed by Wendell Philips. w f cannot pretend to give his words, or at all d y justice to the life and spirit of his remarks Though we will try to jot down some of hi 9 prominent thoughts. The magnetism Q J. slavery was like the steel springs in the cron

dies. Benthnn, who, had viewed this ques- ton at all points, said he knew of no epoch at which the people wrested from the privi- legged classes, right they did not obtain by q threat They never yielded, except to fear. The Georges of England always quurreled with their heirs. They feared them. And thus there were two courts in London. So with ideas. The old never likes the new but fears and rejects it. The American peo- pie are not sufficiently independent. They rely upon the pulpit and the press to furnish them with opinions. They dared not form them for themselves. Thinking for oneself is the only American high treason. As Sid ney Smith said, no man who was not worth $4,000 had right TO have an opinion. So in this country,no man who has not certain SiaiuS had right to think for himself Whit field once asked permission to preach TO the army, and was told that he might do so, pro- vided he preached nothing contrary to the articles Of war. May preach to the people, asks DIR. Dewey? ayes" answers Webster, "ifyou preach nothing contrary TO the Constr tuition" Now, what the Anti-Slavery Socie- iy demands is,that every man shall have the right to to think and speak for himself, with out reference to any one olse. If he should say that some John Smith, living somewhere in New York, had declared that lac would return his own mother to Slavery, he would be told that it was waste of breath 10 re-. peat it. But if he said that DR.. Dewey had made such declaration, every man takes off his hat. lie is an instiulion-hc has been appointed n chaplain in the Navy. Probably that he might 60 and see where Nero mur- dcrcd his mother. People must get rid Of / this glamour - this Difference for great names. They must view things for them selves aud then their verdict would be with / the Anli-Slavery men. They must rise above local prejudices and superstiions.- There is too much nationality in the religion of the people. 1t must be divested of that and brought back to its pure clemens. | 1t had been said that he and his friends had alienntcd themselves from public SYM pnthy, had shut themselves out of the pale o social life. 1t was true. They consider ] cd themselves MS mere dead material, out o. which the road was 10 he built over which the future millions of Anti-Slavery mer were to walk. They had no regrets. TIL, glorious privilege was theirs to think fol themselves, and to utter their thoughts, with out looking over their shoulders to sec j nincty-nino men say amen. They had re deemed the Yankee privilege of asking questions, although great men declined tC answer them. They were fixed in their po sitons and could not be swerved or swallow ed up by such another mighty nialstrom as that at Washington.

The popular sentiment had affected our great mcn-wc had gone from WASHING TON way down to WEBSTER. Washington had not dared to send to New Hampshire after his own fugitive slave, lest he should offend the prejudiccs of Daniel Wcbster's grcat-grandlathers. But Webster advises

his own cousins TO "conqucr their prcjudi, ces."

America was going backward towards t Arisiocrncy, while Europe was advancing toward Democracy. The waves of popular sentiment were even beating against Russia

threatening TO reduce that great Empire.

If two days calm attention would he Civ, en- to the discussions, people here woul, come to agree with Fox that the Englisl ; language is incompetent to express Ill, enornity Of Slavery.

, SECOND DAY.

SECOND DAY.

The forenoon of the second day was devoted to an informal conversation among the friends of tho cause, and the afternoon to discussion Of the character of the constitution. Wendell Philips maintaining its slavery, and Frodcr- ick Douglass its anti slavery character. Mr.. Philips based his argument, not upon the inten- tons of the trainers, or the history of the docu- mcnt; but upon the fair Interpretation of its language.

C. l.. Rcmond and W. Philips occupied the evening.

The discussions of the third day were of unu- sual interest, and were participated in by the previous speakers, by Mr.. and Mrs, Foster, and others. The principal topics, were tho suiii- slavery, Colonization, and the fugitive law. The latter topic excited especial interest from the announcement that kidnapper was at the commissioners Office procuring a warrant to seize three fugitives, who were known to be in the city. Whether the kidnapper was there or not, we cannot say. The fugitves were and were speedily and securely cared for, by the vigilance committee of the city. So that if it was in contemplation to seize another fugitive in the face of an Anti.Slavery Convention, they were again disappointed. Had they un- dertakcn it, they would have found that the do-nothing abolitonists," would practice trea- son as readily as they would preach it.

Mr.. Philips advocated in substance, the senti- ! I = his Boston speech. While Mr.. Garrison dis sentcd from the position of Mr.. Phillips in re. gard to taking the life of the kidnapper, bott on account of principle and expediency. At late hour on Thursday night, after the adoption ofsuch resolutions as remained to be acted upon the meeting adjourned. The resolutions an( further particulars, we will give hereafter,

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #25: begins: "Americnn Anli.Slayery Society. we nave just Tcturheu Houh htteuuuHCc upon the Anniversary Of this Society." … ends: "not in its life and practice. Orthc doxy may rescue itself from the charge {"
[2] AS #19: begins: "parties necessarily resulted from fidelity to | tho principle of freedom. lie iorcibly pre- |" … ends: "prominent thoughts. The magnetism Q J. slavery was like the steel springs in the cron"
[3] AS #20: begins: "dies. Benthnn, who, had viewed this ques- ton at all points, said he knew of" … ends: "the Englisl ; language is incompetent to express Ill, enornity Of Slavery. , SECOND DAY."
[4] AS #12: begins: "SECOND DAY. The forenoon of the second day was devoted to an informal conversation among" … ends: "be acted upon the meeting adjourned. The resolutions an( further particulars, we will give hereafter,"

N ours : 1 ASsnewpapers rightdomestic_news, foreign_news, filler, domestic_news, domestic_news, domestic_news, domestic_news, domestic_news, obituary, domestic_news, domestic_news, domestic_news, domestic_news ↔ AS #29 p3-13 13 snewpapers : 1 AS · ratio 94.4 · token set 90.1 · shared 4-word phrases 67.2 · real words: snewpapers 99%, AS 92%

stated first: one component (American Stories): snewpapers right (said several): The passage is a column of short, unrelated news briefs (facts and items from different places), each a distinct item rather than one continuous article.
stated first: several components (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said several): The passage is a column of unrelated one- and two-sentence news briefs (items), each a separate printed component; they share no continuing story or connection.

snewpapers

Louisiana has 25,000 free people of color.

Ten thousand slaves were landed in Cuba in 1844, and sixty thousand in Brazil, in 1848.

One hundred thousand pounds of phosphorus are annually consumed in England in the manufacture of matches.

The people of Minnesota have ratified the act of the Legislature in passing the Maine Law by an overwhelming majority.

The Winsboro' (S. C.) Register parades the figure of a coffin in its columns, and announces the death of Secessionism, by strangulation, in the third year of its age, on occasion of the resignation of R. B. Rhett's seat in the United States Senate.

The Catholic population of the United States is said to be 1,900,000.

Robert Morris and C. L. Remond have advocated before the Military Committee of the Mass. Legislature, the organization of an independent colored Militia Company in Boston.

The Governor of Maryland has appointed James M. Buchanan and Richard Carmichael as commissioners to confer with Pennsylvania about the fugitive slave killing case.

Mrs. Adams, widow of John Quincy Adams, is dead.

An Anti-Liquor Law has passed the Legislature of Rhode Island; it goes into effect in July.

A meeting for the extension of Southern trade is to be held in Baltimore to-day.— Several Southern members of Congress are to attend.

The Supreme Court of New York has decided the Canal Enlargement law, of 1851, to be unconstitutional.

The bill for the further protection of personal liberty has been defeated in the Massachusetts Legislature.

American Stories

BREyITlES.

Louisiana has $4,000 free people of color.

Ten thousand slaves were landed in Cuba in 1874, and sixty thousand in Brazil, in 1913.

One hundred thousand pounds of phospho- rus are annually consumed in England in the manufacture of matches.

The people of Minnesota have ratified the act of the Legislature in passing the Maine Law by an overwhelming majority.

The Winsboro' Is. c. Register purados the figure of coffin in its columns, and announces the death of Scccssionism, by strangulation, in the third year of its age, on occasion of the resignation of II. b. Rhctrs seat in the United States Senate.

The Catholic population of tho United Safes is said to be 100000.

Robert Morris and C. J.. Remond have advoca- ted before the Military Committee of the Mass. Legislature, the organization of an Independent colorcd Militia Company in Boston.

Tho Governor of Maryland has appointed James NJ. Buchanan and Richard Carmichael as commissioners to confer with Pennsylvania about the fugitive slave killing case.

Mrs. ADAMS, widow of John Quincy Adams is dead.

An Anti. Liquor Law has passed the Leg. | islntura of Rhode Island IL gocs into plIpr in July.

A meeting for the extension OF Southen trade is to be held in Baltimore to-day Several Southern members of Congress are TO attend

The Supreme Court of New York has de- cided the Canal Enlargement law, Of 1851 to be unconstitutional.

The bill for the further protection of per- | oonoI lihartu bac ham 1nf,ataI Il, tho NJ.

the pieces asked about (snewpapers):
[1] domestic_news: begins: "Louisiana has 25,000 free people of color." … ends: "Louisiana has 25,000 free people of color."
[2] foreign_news: begins: "Ten thousand slaves were landed in Cuba in 1844, and sixty thousand in Brazil, in" … ends: "thousand slaves were landed in Cuba in 1844, and sixty thousand in Brazil, in 1848."
[3] filler: begins: "One hundred thousand pounds of phosphorus are annually consumed in England in the manufacture of" … ends: "hundred thousand pounds of phosphorus are annually consumed in England in the manufacture of matches."
[4] domestic_news: begins: "The people of Minnesota have ratified the act of the Legislature in passing the Maine" … ends: "ratified the act of the Legislature in passing the Maine Law by an overwhelming majority."
[5] domestic_news: begins: "The Winsboro' (S. C.) Register parades the figure of a coffin in its columns, and" … ends: "on occasion of the resignation of R. B. Rhett's seat in the United States Senate."
[6] domestic_news: begins: "The Catholic population of the United States is said to be 1,900,000." … ends: "The Catholic population of the United States is said to be 1,900,000."
[7] domestic_news: begins: "Robert Morris and C. L. Remond have advocated before the Military Committee of the Mass." … ends: "Committee of the Mass. Legislature, the organization of an independent colored Militia Company in Boston."
[8] domestic_news: begins: "The Governor of Maryland has appointed James M. Buchanan and Richard Carmichael as commissioners to" … ends: "and Richard Carmichael as commissioners to confer with Pennsylvania about the fugitive slave killing case."
[9] obituary: begins: "Mrs. Adams, widow of John Quincy Adams, is dead." … ends: "Mrs. Adams, widow of John Quincy Adams, is dead."
[10] domestic_news: begins: "An Anti-Liquor Law has passed the Legislature of Rhode Island; it goes into effect in" … ends: "Anti-Liquor Law has passed the Legislature of Rhode Island; it goes into effect in July."
[11] domestic_news: begins: "A meeting for the extension of Southern trade is to be held in Baltimore to-day.—" … ends: "is to be held in Baltimore to-day.— Several Southern members of Congress are to attend."
[12] domestic_news: begins: "The Supreme Court of New York has decided the Canal Enlargement law, of 1851, to" … ends: "Court of New York has decided the Canal Enlargement law, of 1851, to be unconstitutional."
[13] domestic_news: begins: "The bill for the further protection of personal liberty has been defeated in the Massachusetts" … ends: "bill for the further protection of personal liberty has been defeated in the Massachusetts Legislature."

The people of Minnesota have ratified the act of the Legislature in passing the Maine Law by an overwhelming majority.

in N ours : 1 ASsnewpapers rightdomestic_news ↔ AS #29 p3-18 ratio 95.7 · token set 93.4 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.12 · ours covers 100% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 97%, AS 86% inside AS's merged article, decided by p3-13

American Stories

The Supreme Court of New York has de- cided the Canal Enlargement law, Of 1851 to be unconstitutional.

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightdomestic_news ↔ AS #44, AS #29 p3-26 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 69.5 · token set 86.9 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 90%

stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The second piece is just a garbled OCR duplicate of the same short notice, so both pieces represent a single printed item.
stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): Both pieces are the same short notice about the personal liberty bill, with [2] being an OCR-garbled duplicate of the same item rather than a separate component.

snewpapers

The bill for the further protection of personal liberty has been defeated in the Massachusetts Legislature.

American Stories

The bill for the further protection of per- sona liberty has been defeated in the Mas sachusetts Legislature.

The bill for the further protection of per- | oonoI lihartu bac ham 1nf,ataI Il, tho NJ.

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #44: begins: "The bill for the further protection of per- sona liberty has been defeated in the" … ends: "the further protection of per- sona liberty has been defeated in the Mas sachusetts Legislature."
[2] AS #29: begins: "The bill for the further protection of per- | oonoI lihartu bac ham 1nf,ataI Il," … ends: "for the further protection of per- | oonoI lihartu bac ham 1nf,ataI Il, tho NJ."

AS onlycorrectly not servedAS #5 p3-34

advertisement: It promotes a Water Cure establishment with its location, services, and weekly pricing, which are typical advertising content.

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

Sugar Creek Falls Water Cure, TUSCARAWAS. Co n.

'NHIS Institution, twelve miles south Of Mas l. sillon, on the road from Wooster 10 Now Philadelphia, II miles west of the latter place. and is accessible by stages daily from all tho above places. 1t is supplied with very

Soft Pure Spring Water. conducted to the Cure, from the neighboring hills, in Stone Pipes. 1t is under charge Of DIR. ii. FREASE, and conducted on pure Hydro pnthic principles. Our business is to take drugs out of the system, and not put them in. Tho Proprietors hatter themselves that their Fscili- ties, for successfully treating disease. arc not surpassed by any other establishment in tho country.

TERMS I'm ordinary cases 50 per week. payable weekly. Each patient should bring comfortablcs, 2 sheets, 2 blankets, and some linen for bandages, or they can be had at the Establishment for so cts. per week. Post Office address, Deardorf Mikks, Tiiscaraicas Co.,

SOLOMON FREAsE. pHOr~r'Os''

May 10, 1852.

AS onlycorrectly not servedAS #39 p3-35

advertisement: This is a professional card for a water cure physician, giving her name, title, and location, which is a typical newspaper advertisement.

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

MRS. Nj. M. PIERCE, WATER CURE PHYSICIAN.

GREES-Sr., SALEM, CoLrNDIASA County, o. May |, 1852.

AS onlycorrectly not servedAS #9 p3-36

advertisement: This is a professional card for a homeopathic physician announcing his services and office location, which is a paid commercial notice/advertisement.

snewpapers

nothing

American Stories

DIR. C. PEARSON. I III o M GOPATMIs ST

HAVING permanently located in Salem, Ill would respectfully announce to the Public that he is prepared to treat Homeopathically all diseases. whether Chronic or Acute. He givoa general invitation to all, and fiatters himself he can render general satisfaction.

OFFICE AND RESIDENCE, on MAss 81. OPPOSITE THE PosT-0FFIcR.

May l5, 1862,

1:1 matchmatchnotice ↔ AS #13 p3-37 ratio 95.2 · token set 92.5 · AS covers 100% · IoU 0.89 · ours covers 100% of AS's · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 98%

snewpapers

Road Notice.

NOTICE is hereby given that a petition will be presented to the Commissioners of Columbiana county, Ohio, at their next sitting, asking them to vacate the road commencing near the gate owned by John Stanly and William Blackburn, ending near the grist mill, formerly owned by Wm. Scott, dec'd., in Knox Township. Dated this 26th of the month, 1852.

American Stories

Road Notice.

NOTICE is hereby given that petition will ~ be presented to the Commissioners of Of Columbiana county, Ohio, at their next sit ting, asking them TO vacate the road commence ing near the gate owned by John Stanly and

William Blackburn. ending near the gIist mill, formerly owned by VIM. Scott, dec d., in Knox Township Town Dated this 2eth Of tth month.

Page 4 (25 groups)

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightstory ↔ AS #24, AS #14 p4-1 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 92.5 · token set 89.3 · AS covers 95% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 97% AS attaches text outside it

stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The two pieces are continuous prose from the same story/essay, with [2] picking up mid-word ("eX-" / "niittee") where [1] breaks off, so they form a single printed item.
stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): The passage is a continuous story/sketch about the farmer and his son, with [2] continuing directly from [1]'s mid-sentence break ('modes of eX-' / 'niittee'), so both numbered pieces belong to a single printed item.

American Stories also attaches: «Mtsrrlln» (outside this component; AS article #24) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): «Mtsrrlln» is a garbled OCR fragment, likely a stray name or tagline, not part of the article's body text.
stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): The text "Mtsrrlln" is an OCR fragment of a page header or dateline, i.e., page furniture rather than part of the article's content.

snewpapers

Secretiveness.

The following is copied from the Phrenological Journal, in which it is used as an illustration of the manner by which the organ of secretiveness is too often and sadly cultivated:

Go out into the country, for example, to purchase a superior cow, and call on one of the honest sons of the soil, and it would not be very difficult to find a man who would show himself as cunning and as selfish as any trader or manufacturer. Let us illustrate such an interview by a colloquy between a Citizen and a Farmer, and we beg of the reader to watch the workings of Secretiveness to gratify Acquisitiveness.

Citizen. "I am in pursuit of a fine cow and understanding, at the hotel, that you kept a large flock of very excellent ones I have called to look at them, and to see if I could make a purchase to please me. I am not very particular as to price, so I but obtain one of the very best."

Farmer. "Well, yes, I have a large flock, and they have the reputation of being excellent. They have cost me much care and pains in their selection; but I can't say as I wish to sell any of them. When a man has a good article which he wants to use, it is not well to dispose of it."

C. "True; but I would like to look at them."

F. "Oh, certainly, I will show them with pleasure; but understand I don't promise to sell one at any price."

They go to the farm-yard, and a little son of the farmer follows to see and hear, and in doing so takes his first lesson in the tricks of trade; for, be it remembered, that every act of the parent stamps its impress upon the young mind, which becomes almost ineffaceable.

C. (Scanning a lean, common-looking animal, which, by the way, was one of the best milkers in the flock, and low in flesh from her milking qualities, yet it was in early winter when those qualities would not be apparent). "What is that cow worth?"

F. "I suppose about twenty-five dollars."

On an elevated place stands a large fleshy noble-looking cow, the poorest milker of the whole, and fat because her food went to flesh rather than to milk—catches the admiring eye of the inexperienced citizen, and he eagerly inquires, "What will you sell that one for?"

F. "O don't say anything to me about that cow; she is a very peculiar one, and more than that, she belongs to my wife. I told you I did not care to sell any, and this one I should hardly expect to sell at all; besides, I should not like to have my wife offended by selling a favorite of hers. John," (turning to his boy, who is surprised to see his father hesitate a moment about selling his miserable vicious, unruly beast, whose small mess of milk is as thin as that sold by Messrs. Croton, Pump & Co., in New York,) "John, mother will be in our hair if we sell 'Fill-pale.'"

That name strikes the buyer's ear just as it was intended to do, and he presses the farmer for a price.

F. "I will not say I will sell her at any price, unless my wife will consent. I don't believe in family quarrels."

The boy, John, is surprised at his father's reluctance to sell, and entertains not the slightest doubt but what his mother will joyously consent to the sale. The stranger is determined to have a price, and finally, the obliging farmer says—"Now, mind I don't agree to sell at any price without my wife's consent, and I will set such a price as will, doubtless, cool your ardor without the necessity of calling my wife. Forty dollars is the price."

C. "Suppose we consult the good lady, and see what she will say. If she will consent I will take the animal."

F. "I know what she will say, and if you insist upon it, we will refer it to her."

They proceed to the house, the farmer taking the lead to get the first word; and the boy following, anxious to have his mother assent to the sale and urge the bargain.

F. "Well, mother this gentleman is very anxious to buy 'old Fill-pale, and I told him"

"Yes," interrupted the wife in apparent anger, "and you told him 'he might have her.' I warrant it is just like you to sell the best cow we have. Well, do as you like. We might as well give up trying to make butter and cheese altogether."

With a red face and an angry air, she leaves the room, slamming the door after her. "There," says the farmer, "I knew just how it would be."

John, the honest boy, was astonished. He had heard that cow made the subject of censure for years by all the family; and now, when a double price is offered for her his father holds back and his mother gets angry. He don't understand it. No, indeed poor boy, you don't understand it, but you are in a fair way of doing so. Wait a little and you will be wise, and know more of the world.

The stranger takes the bait, counts out the forty dollars, and the farmer apparently draws back from it, saying, "I don't think I ought to take the money. You had better not take the cow." [All true, though not intended to be so regarded.]

He takes the money, and the stranger departs with his purchase. The mother returns, smiling like a summer's morning. The father, chuckling over his money, says, with an arch wink to his wife, "I think when he has had that cow half as long as we have, he will be glad to take less than half what he paid for her."

This unriddles to the boy's unsophisticated mind the hypocrisy of the whole transaction and he shrinks back from his parents as scheming liars. To him it looks like robbery to take twenty-five dollars more for the cow than she was worth; and like lying, thus to deceive the stranger by such back-handed means.

He has been whipped for lying, and taught that he must be honest; and he can see no difference between talking a lie and acting it.

Under the influence of filial love he begins to reason, and he is unwilling to condemn his parents to the degradation of liars and robbers. He reviews the guarded modes of expression by the father and mother. His father did not say it was the best cow in the flock, and told the man he "had better not take the animal"—that he "would not sell her unless his mother would consent to it." It was not exactly lying after all. Besides his father stood high in society; he was called, Colonel, and Esq.; had been a Representative; was a trustee of the Religious Society, school committee, and everybody looked up to him as a man of honor. His mother, too, was intimate in the family of the minister, and had the best company in town. Therefore they were good people, and their example worthy of imitation. Full of this pleasing unction to his outraged conscience, and possessing with all, hereditary transmission, a similar tendency to shrewdness and money-loving as that of his parents, he began to meditate a method of profiting by his first lesson in keen business management. "Why can't I sell that soft, worthless new knife I bought of the rascally pedlar the other day in the same manner that father sold the cow? Let me see, I have the plan, and I will have the money, and I won't tell a lie either. I can steer clear of that."

He carefully whets his knife, and as carefully pockets a soft stick, and then with a veil of honest looks proceeds to school. At recess, he very carelessly draws forth his knife and stick, and begins to whittle. It cuts finely. The boys flock around, eager to see it, and to learn what he paid for it.—"I got it cheap—only twenty-five cents—see it cut."

"I'll give you twenty-five," says one.

"I guess you will," says John, "after I have run the risk of getting a bad one, and proved it. See it cut."

"I'll give you thirty."

"I'll give you forty," says another; "and here's the money." Forty, being a golden number in the ear of John, he quietly pockets the money just as the school bell rings, and they all go into their books—John to rejoice in the success of his experiment; and Charley, to anticipate the pleasure his excellent cutting knife will afford him.

As soon as the school is dismissed—while Charley is hunting for a good hard stick to show the other boys how gloriously it will cut—John makes all haste for home, to announce his success, and to bank his money. Almost out of breath he enters the house exclaiming, "Father, I have sold that pewter-faced knife which I bought of the pedlar at twenty-five cents, for forty cents." "Ah! have you? But how did you manage? You didn't tell a lie, did you, Johnny? You must never lie, you know." "Oh, no, sir, I sharpened it very nicely—took a soft stick in my pocket, and kept whittling—said nothing, and let them bid."

"But who bought? and have you got your money?"

"Charley Sumner, who always has money, bought it, and here are the forty cents."

"That's right; you should never lie, and always get your pay down to prevent after trouble. I say, mother! Johnny is pretty smart. We must make a merchant of him, eh—what think you?"

"Well, he has done well with the knife, surely, and I always thought he would be somebody, and get rich; besides, Charley is better able to pay a high price for a poor knife than Johnny. Bring the money to me, my son, and I will save it for you."

This is lesson, number two, and the boy, from this propitious beginning, kept practice until he was old enough to enter a store as clerk. His father kept him short of change for his new situation, and desiring to appear well with his associates, he began by borrowing small sums from the money-drawer, designing to pay it out of the first remittance. But the economical father, desiring to keep him short, to teach him economy, neglected the penurious remittance until the boy had secretly borrowed the full amount of what he received from his father, and he cannot pay it then; and finally after some struggles with his defaced Conscientiousness, and urged by his necessities, decided not to pay it at all.

He went on in this way, borrowing, and never paying, until he robbed his master of a large amount, and ended his life a villain.

His parents pocketed a few extra dollars for a cow, by means of circuitous falsehood—their son imbibed the education, and that education shaped his future.

Who will say, "Go thou and do likewise?"

American Stories

Secretiveness.

TO out into the country, for example, tC purchase n superior COW, aud call on one o the honest sons of the soil, and 1t would no

he very difficult TO find a man who would show himself as cunning and as selfish as any trader or manufacturer. Let us illustrate such mn interview by a colloquy between a CITIZEN aud a FARMER, and we beg of the reader to watch the workings of Secrevtive- ness TO crafty Acquisitiveness.

CITIZEN. 81 am in pursuit Of fine COW and understanding, at the hotel, that you kept large flock OF very excellent ones | have called to look at them, and to see if could make purchase to please me. am moi very particular as to price, 80 but obtain oneiof the very best"

FARMER. "Well, yes, ! have large flock and they have the reputation Of being excel lent. They have cost me much care and pains in their selection; but ! can't say us wish to sell any Of them. When man has good article which he wants to use, 1t is notswell to dispose of it,"

G. "True but would like to look at then."

+. "Ob, certainly, I will show them with pleasure; but understand don't promise to sell one at any price,

They go to the iarm-yard, aud a little son Of the farmer follows to see and hear, aud in doing so takes his first lesson in the tricks of trade for, be il remembered, that every act Of the parent stamps lis impress upon the young mind,which becomes almost inetface- nble.

g. (Scanning lean, communicating ami mai, which, 10y the way, was one of the best mixers in the flock, and low in flesh from her milking qualities, yet il was in enrly win ter when those qualities would not be nppar- entl "Whut is that COW worth Z"

+. 81 suppose about twenty-five dollars"

On an elevated place stands large fleshy noble-looking COW, the poorest mixer of the whole, and fat because her food went TO flesh rather than to milk-catcles the nd mring eye of tire inexperienced citizen, and he eagerly inquiries, "What will you sell that one for 2"

Il. 80 don't say anything 10 me about that COW; she is a very peculiar one, and more than that, she belongs to my wife. told you did not care to sell any, and this one ] should hardly expect TO sell at all /; be- sides, | should not like to have my wife Of Tended by selling favorite of hers. "John, turning to his boy, who is surprised to see his fnther hesiinte a moment about selling his miserable viscious unruly beast, whose small mess of milk is as thin as that sold by Messrs. Croton, Pump & Co, in New York" w John, mother will be in our hair if we sell "Fill pale.n

That name strikes the buyers enr Just ms il was intended TO do, aud he presses the far Iner for price.

+. :" will not say will sell her at nny price, unless my wife will consent. | don't believe in family qua-rels."

The boy, John, is surprised at his fathers MI ItHsfu In. IL slightest doubt but what his mother will oy- ousy consent 10 the SALE The stranger is determined to have price, and finally, the obliging Ermer says-"Now, mind don't agree to sell at any price without my wiie's consent, and will set such price as will, doubtless, copl your ardor without the ne cessiy of calling my wife. Forty dollars is the price"

@. Suppose we consult the good lady, and see what she will say. II she will con sent will take the animal"

+. 81 know what pho will say, and if you insist upon it, we will refer it to her"

They proceed TO the house, the farmer taking he,lead TO get the first word; aud the boy following, anxious to have his mother assent TO the sale aud urge the bargain.

+. "Well, mother this gentlemen is very anxious TO buy 'old Fill-pale, aud told him" =" Yes" interrupted the wife in apparent unger, sand you Tod him he might have her l warrant;,'i is Just like you 10 sell the best COW we hnye. Well, do as you like. We might as. well give up trying TO make but ter aud cheese altogether"

With a red iace and an angry air, she leaves the room, slamming the door after her. "There," says the farmer, 81 knew Just how il would be-"

John, the honest boy, was astonished. lie hal heard that COW made the subject Of cen sure for years 10y all the family aud now, when double price is offered for her his father holds bnck aud his mother gets angry. He dol't understand it, No,indeed poor hoy, YOU don't understand il, but you are in fair way OF doing so. Wait liile aud you will bc wise, and know more of the world.

The stranger takes the bait, counts out the forty dollars, and the farmer apparently draws back from il, saying, " don't think ought to take the money. You had better not take the cow" All true, though not intcn- ded 10 he so regarded.

lie takes the money, and the stranger de- parts with his purchase. The mother re- turns, smiling like summers morning. The ihther, chnckling over his money, says, with an arch wink 10 his wife, +" think when he has had That COW half as long as we hive, he will he glad to take less than half what he paid for her.

= This nnriddlcs TO the boys unsopl,stcnted mind the hypocrisy OF the whole transaction aud he sbrinks back from his parents ms scheming liars. TO him il looks like rohbe- ry to take twenty-five dollars more for the cow than she was worlil and like lying, thus to deceive the stranger by such back-handed means.

Tie has been whipped for lying, and taught that he must be honest; and he can see no difference between talking lie aud acting i.

Under the influence of filial love he begins | 10 reason, aud he is isunwilling TO condemn his parents 10 the degradation OF liars and rob bers. lie reviews the guarded modes Of eX-

niittee, and everybody looked up to him as a man of honor. His mother, too, was intimate in the family of the minister, and had the best company in town. Therefore they were good people, and their example worthy OF imitation. Full of this pleasing JUNCTION to his outraged conscience, and possessing with al, hereditary transmission, similar tenden- cy to shrewdness and money-loving as that of his parents lie began to mediate meth cd of proiting 10y his first lesson in keen business management "Why can't l sell that soft, worthless new knife bought of the ras. cally pedlar the other day in the same man ner that father sold the COW? Let me see, have the plan, aud will have the money, aud ! wOn'ttell lie either. | can steer clear of that"

lie carefully whets his knife, and as care | fully pockets n soft stick, and then with n veil of honest looks proceeds to school. AT recess, he very carelessly draws forth his knife and stick, and begins to whiitle. IL cuts finely. The boys flock around, eager to zee it, aud to learn what he paid for it, Igot i cheap-only twenty-five cents see il cut"

am give you twenty-five" says one. ~ guess you will, ;" says John, safer have run the risk of getting u bad one, and proved il. See il cut"

"Pll give you thirty"

"l'll give you forty" says another; "nnd here's the money" Forty, being golden number in the ear of John, he quietly pock cts the money Just as the school bell rings, aud they all go into their books-John TO rejoice in the success of his experiment; and Charley, to anticipate the pleasure his excellent cutting knife will afford him.

A. a,l,arI = ,I,gn,.gguI ,stb,la Charley is hunting for a good hard stick to show the other boys how gloriously it will cut - John makes all haste for home, TO announce his success, and TO bank his money. Almost out of breath he enters the house excaming, "Father, have sold that pewter-faced knife which bought of the pedlur at twenty-five cents, for forty cents" "Ah! have you? But how did you manage? You didn't tell lie, did you, Johnny? You must never lie, you know" "Oh, no. sir, | sharpened il very nicely-took a soft stick in my pocket, and kept whitting-sad nothing, aud let them bid"

But who bought? and have you got your money!"

"Charley Sumnerwho always has money, bought it, and here ure the forty cents"

"Thars right; you should never lie, and always get your pay down TO prevent after trouble. ! say, mother johnny is pretty smart. We mist make merchant Of him. eh-what think you ?

swell, he has done well with the knife, surely, aud always thought he would be somebody, and get rich; besides, Charley is better able to pay high price for n poor knife than johnny. Bring the money to me, my son, aud will save it for you"

This is lesson, number two, and the boy, | from this propitions beginning kept practice | until he was old enough to enter n store as clerk. His ihther kept him short of change for his new situation, and desiring to appear | well with his associates, he began by bor- rowing small sums from the money-drawer, | designing TO pay it out of the first remittance. | But the economical father, desiring TO keep | him Short TO teach him economy, neglected | the penurious remittance until the boy had | secretly borrowed the full amount of what | he received from his father, aud he cannot | pay it then; and finally after some struggles with his defaced Conscieniiousness, and urg- | ed by his necessities, decided not to pay it at all.

lie went on in this way. borrowing, and never paying, until he robbed his master of n large amount, aud ended his life vii lnin.

His parents pocketed few extra dollars for n COW, by means OF circuitous ialsehood their son imbibed the education, and that education shaped his future.

Who will say, "Gn thou and do likewise

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #24: begins: "Secretiveness. TO out into the country, for example, tC purchase n superior COW, aud call" … ends: "10 the degradation OF liars and rob bers. lie reviews the guarded modes Of eX-"
[2] AS #14: begins: "niittee, and everybody looked up to him as a man of honor. His mother, too," … ends: "education, and that education shaped his future. Who will say, "Gn thou and do likewise"

1 ours : N ASsnewpapers rightfiller ↔ AS #1, AS #13 p4-7 1 snewpapers : 2 AS · ratio 98.4 · token set 95.2 · AS covers 100% · real words: snewpapers 100%, AS 98% AS attaches text outside it

stated first: one component (snewpapers): snewpapers right (said one): Both pieces are continuous parts of the same article about an electric clock; the second passage is clearly a continuation ('dulum' completing 'pendulum') of the first, with no new heading or item boundary.
stated first: several components (American Stories): snewpapers right (said one): The passage is a single article about an electric clock; [2] is simply the continuation of [1]'s text (the OCR even splits mid-word, 'pen/dulum'), so the two pieces form one component.

American Stories also attaches: «THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.» (outside this component; AS article #13) page furniture, not counted

stated first: the component does not include it (snewpapers): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): «THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.» is the newspaper's title, a page furniture element that should not decide which system is right.
stated first: the component includes it (American Stories): page furniture, not counted (said furniture): This is the newspaper's title/masthead, a page furniture element that should not decide which system is right.

snewpapers

An Electric Clock.

The Boston Journal describes as one of the curiosities of the age, an electric clock, recently completed by Mr. N. Farmer, on an entirely new principle and pronounced by scientific men to be the most perfect and simple of any.— All wheel work in the time-keeping part is dispensed with, therefore all friction is overcome. The time-keeping part of the clock is simply a pendulum, an electric magnet, and two armatures. The vibrations of the pendulum break and close the circuit of electricity, while the combined action of the electro-magnet and armatures keep it in motion.

"It is a clock that runs without weights or spring or any thing of the kind. Its moving power is a galvanic battery, which requires a small quantity of sulphuric acid once or twice a year; or if the workmanship of the clock is delicate, a copper plate buried in the ground will keep it in motion. There is no friction to overcome save the suspension points of the pendulum, and the two armatures. Hence it approaches the nearest to perfection as a time-keeper of any thing in existence. One hundred or a thousand clocks all over the city, all ticking at the same instant, and keeping the same time, may be carried by one pendulum."

American Stories

An Electric Clock.

The Boston Journal describes as one of tho curiosties of the age, an electric clock, recently completed by Mr.. N Farmer, on an entirely new principle and pronounced by scientific men to be the most perfect and simple of any, All wheel work in the time. keeping part is dispensed with, therefore all friction is over. come. The time keeping part of the clock is simply pendulum, an electric magnet and two armatures. The vibrations of the pendulum break and close the circuit of electricity, while the combined action of the electro-magnet and armatures keep it in motion.

at is a clock that runs without weights or spring or any thing of the kind. Its moving power is galvanic battery, which requires a small quantity of sulpphric acid once or twice a year or if the workmanship of the clock is delicate, a copper plate buried in the ground will keep it in motion. There is no friction to overcome save the suspension points Of the pen

dulum, and the two armatures. Hence /; APP proaches the nearest to perfection as a time keeper of any thing in existence. One hun dred or thousand clocks all over the city, all ticking at the same instant, and keeping the same time, may be carried by one pendulum"

the pieces asked about (American Stories):
[1] AS #1: begins: "An Electric Clock. The Boston Journal describes as one of tho curiosties of the age," … ends: "in motion. There is no friction to overcome save the suspension points Of the pen"
[2] AS #13: begins: "dulum, and the two armatures. Hence /; APP proaches the nearest to perfection as a" … ends: "at the same instant, and keeping the same time, may be carried by one pendulum""