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Legislature of Massachusetts.
GOVERNOR, His Excellency INCREASE SUMNER. LIEUT. GOVERNOR, His Honor MOSES GILL. COUNSELLORS, The Hon. THOMAS DAWES, ELEAZER BROOKS, OLIVER WENDELL, STEVEN CHOATE, JOSIAH STEARNS, ELISHA MAY, SIMON FRYE, DANIEL WHITNEY and JOHN HASTINGS. Senators, for Maine. York—Hon. Nathaniel Wells and Simon Frye, Esq'rs. Cumberland—Hon. Stephen Longfellow and Daniel Davis, Esq'rs. Lincoln, &c.—Hon. Alexander Campbell and Nathaniel Dummer, Esq'rs. Representatives for Maine. YORK. York, Col. Esaias Preble, Wells, John Storer, Esq. Berwick, John Lord, Esq. Biddeford, Mr. Daniel Hooper, Pepperelboro' Thomas G. Thornton, Esq. CUMBERLAND. Portland, Mr. Woodbury Storer. North Yarmouth, Samuel P. Russell, Esq. Brunswick, Mr. William Stanwood, Freeport, Mr. James Curtis, Buckfield, Mr. Samuel Andrews. LINCOLN, &c. Georgetown, Mark Langdon Hill, Esq. Woolwich, Samuel Harnden, Esq. Winthrop, Col. N. Fairbanks, Bath, Francis Winter, Esq. Pittston, Hon. Henry Dearborn, Esq. Cushing, Mr. Edward Killeran, Camden, Mr. Samuel Jacobs, Augusta, James Bridge, Esq. Farmington, Supply Belcher, Esq. Penobscot, Mr. Pelatiah Freeman, Castine, Dr. Oliver Mann. JUNE 5.
His Excellency the Governor, being duly qualified, met the two houses this day, and delivered the following SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
You are now assembled, pursuant to the wise provision in our excellent Constitution of civil government, for the purpose of making and establishing such wholesome and reasonable statute and ordinances as in your judgment the welfare of this Commonwealth shall require, and for the necessary support and defence of the government thereof: A delegation highly honorable to yourselves, as well as important to the community. When this duty is faithfully performed, you cannot fail of receiving the approbation and applause of your constituents, whose interests cannot be forgotten or neglected, because they are so inseparably connected with your own. Unfounded therefore must be the sentiment that the officers of a free government have a different interest from that of the people, whom they represent, to whom they return at the expiration of their office, divested of all authority, and subject to the consequences of all the laws and regulations made, while they were vested with the powers of government. The opposite position, I conceive, cannot be maintained on any other ground, than upon supposition, that the officers of government, elected by the people, and responsible for their conduct while in office, will counteract their own interest, infringe their own rights and liberties, with those of their families and connections, for the purpose of oppressing the people. A supposition extremely absurd and unnatural. I therefore hold it an article in my political creed, that the people and their government are inseparably united; and that whoever attempts to divide them, cannot be viewed in any other light, than as aiming a blow at the main pillar, on which the whole superstructure rests.
The good sense of the American people, I trust will not suffer them to listen to suggestions, at once so erroneous, and so dangerous to the very existence of a free government, but instead of countenancing unreasonable jealousies, will give a firm support to the constitutional measures of the government of their own choice; without which, no people can long enjoy the invaluable blessings of such a government.
The events of the present day draw our attention from the more local concerns of the Commonwealth, to contemplate those of our nation at large. The situation of our foreign relations, you are not insensible has become critical and alarming, and calls for the United Wisdom, Decision and Firmness of the American government; and for the unequivocal aid and assistance of each member of the Union. We were led to flatter ourselves, that the system of impartial neutrality adopted by the Executive, and which we have struggled so long to maintain, would have sheltered us from the calamities incident to a state of war.—When the troubles of Europe commenced, the United States were at peace with the world, and happy in the reflection that no obligation compelled them to intermeddle in their contest; but had every inducement to avoid it:—Having wisely adopted this system, our government endeavored to avoid every just cause of complaint, and when unjustifiable depredations were committed on our commerce by one of the belligerent powers, a treaty opened a way for removing just grounds of uneasiness by adjusting mutual demands. Thus a contest with that power which then threatened us was happily prevented, and peace and harmony restored: When similar causes of complaint and uneasiness with another of those powers existed, the President of the United States, anxious to preserve the good understanding which had so long subsisted between the French and American Republics, pursued similar measures, for the restoration of amity and friendship between them. These overtures, after a contemptuous rejection in the first instance, from an extreme desire to remove every reasonable ground of complaint, were renewed; and with what success, let the communications from the Envoys to our Executive, declare! Could they have been furnished with powers more ample, or have addressed the government of France in language more respectful, pathetic or conciliating. They assure that government of “the deep regret which the President of the United States feels at the loss or suspension of the harmony and friendly intercourse which had subsisted between the Republics, and of his sincere desire to restore them; to discuss candidly the complaints of France, and to offer frankly those of the United States; that he had authorized a review of existing treaties, and such alterations thereof, as shall consist with the mutual interest and satisfaction of the contracting parties:”—“At the same time warmly expressing the happiness they should feel, if their exertions could in any degree contribute to restore that friendship and mutual interchange of good offices, which is alike their wish and their duty to effect between the citizens of the two republics:” But instead of listening to those respectful, conciliatory overtures, our envoys have been treated with a marked contempt heretofore unknown among civilized nations, and exorbitant sums of money demanded—on what pretence I know not, unless it be to compensate the citizens of France for the trouble they have been put to, in capturing and condemning our property.
The calamities of war, we sincerely deprecate, but are fully satisfied that every effort has been made, short of national dishonor and degradation, to prevent them. The United States, contented with the station which Heaven has been pleased to assign them, have no unreasonable wish for aggrandizement, no desire of conquest or extension of territory; but are only solicitous for peace and that security to their Property and independence, which the God of Nature hath given them a right to claim and enjoy:—And while the ears and hearts of the citizens of these States will always be open to every reasonable proposition for accommodation, I believe, I am not mistaken in saying, they are determined never to submit to plans of coercion: For they well know that a people united in a just cause, and roused by injuries and indignities to resentment, cannot be easily conquered.
Notwithstanding individual citizens may have entertained different opinions, as to the motives and consequences of the wars and revolutions in Europe, yet I am confident, they will not disagree in one point; I mean the necessity of union among ourselves, in order successfully to defend our liberties and independence. These inestimable blessings have been transmitted to us entire, by the virtuous struggles of our fathers, who despised every danger and encountered every difficulty in their just defence; and should we resign them to any nation on earth, without “one manly struggle,” should we not be considered as unfaithful guardians of the sacred trust? Rather let us endeavour honourably to discharge the debt by united efforts to transmit the fair inheritance undiminished to posterity.
In such a contest, all nations will do us the justice to believe, that nothing hath been omitted on our part, to prevent the evils and distresses of war—and that if a sincere desire to maintain the rights of neutrality, and to keep up a friendly intercourse with all nations—if exemplary moderation and forbearance, under accumulated injuries—if the candid and liberal declaration of our Executive, that “if we have committed errors, we will rectify them”—if the most sincere and reiterated attempts at friendly negotiation, and even a predilection for the French nation, whom we have been wont to regard with the most sincere friendship; could have shielded the United States from depredation and war, our tranquillity would not have been interrupted:—And that, if mercenary, exorbitant de-
demands of money for the privilege of being heard, joined to the most pointed contempt for our envoys and nation, aggravated by continued hostility on our commerce, can afford ground for claim of the Right of Defence against further outrages, that this right of the United States will remain undisputed.
May we not therefore, if driven to defence, with humble confidence, look up to the Supreme 'Arbiter of Nations,' for his protection and blessing, by granting success to our exertions against those, who without any just cause alleged, seem to be disposed to compel the United States to withdraw their friendship and become their enemy.—
Do not the facts before the public, justify the observation, that to separate the people from their government is a measure unremittingly pursued, thereby destroying the energy of government, and turning the force of a nation against itself. What then is the duty of a private citizen? Is it not to exert his utmost ability to counteract so dangerous, so fatal a policy? What more especially is the duty of all our constituted authorities and such of our fellow citizens as have officially bound themselves by the most solemn of all obligations, to support the Constitution of the United States?
In this unhappy exigency of affairs, I recommend to your immediate consideration, the necessary means of defence, within this Commonwealth, that they may be used with effect, whenever it shall be considered necessary by the government of the United States; particularly the important fortification on Castle-Island; this fortress, so essential to the defence of the harbour and town of Boston, in case of assault or invasion, requires much labour, and some expence, to give it that effect in repelling an enemy, which its very advantageous situation would command. Some improvements have been made, and with but little cost to the Commonwealth; but to render it capable of internal defence, it is necessary a small work for security against small arms, should be constructed in the centre of the place; this might be done with great ease, and at a small expence, by employing the convicts on the island in that service.
I have the satisfaction to announce to you, that the militia of this State (with the exception of a few corps) is in very good order, and capable of performing such services as the exigencies of the times may possibly require;—if, however, any thing can be done to make it more efficient, I shall be happy to concur with you in the measure.
I will detain you no longer, than to suggest to your consideration the expediency of providing a few heavy Brass Field Pieces, to be distributed upon the sea-coasts; they would be highly useful in case of assault and depredation from single ships, as they might be easily transported from place to place, as occasion may require:—While we indulge the hope that the French Republic may yet alter its measures respecting the United States, and render these precautionary steps unnecessary: yet I apprehend a sense of our duty and interest will not suffer us to remain unprepared for disagreeable events, which so strongly threaten the peace of the United States.
In every measure, which shall have for its object the security, peace and prosperity of the people of this Commonwealth, I shall be happy in affording my most hearty concurrence.
The renewed evidence of the esteem and confidence of my fellow citizens, strongly impresses my mind:—It shall be my endeavour not to disappoint them.
INCREASE SUMNER.
Council Chamber, Boston, June 5, 1798.American Stories
Legislature Of Maf1achufetts
GOVERNOR, His Excellency INCREASE SUMNER.
His Honor MOSES GILL.
COUNSELLoRS, The Hon. THOMAS DAWES, Flea FER BROOKS, OLIVER WENDELL. STEVEN CHOATE, JOSIAH STEARNS, ELISHA MAY, SIMON FRYE. DANIEL WHITNEY and JOHN HASTINGS.
Senators, far Maine. Iork-Hon. Nathaniel Wells and SIMON Frye, Efqr's.
Capitalization. Stephen Longfel- low and Daniel Davis, Lfq'rs. Lincoln, 3c-Hon. Alexan der Camp bell and Nathaniel Drummer, Efq'rs.
Representatives for Maine. T1ork, Col. Efaias Preble, Wells, John Storer, Efq. BergOick, John Lord, Efq. Biddeford, Mr.. Daniel Hooper, PePPerei60r0 Thomas G.. Thornton, Efq.
CUMBERLAND. Portland, Mr.. Woodbury. Storer. A0rtb yarmouth, Samuel P. Rufel, Efq. Brugjaoick, Mr.. William Stanwood, Eeep0rt, Mr.. James Curtis, BuckfeId, Mr.. Samuel Andrews.
LINCOLN, &c. Gforgeto7Vn, Mark Langdon Hill, EGq. Wo0l20icb, Samuel Harnden, Elq. Nntbrop, Col. N. Fairbanks, Bath, Francis Winter, Efq. Pitfon, Hon. Henry Dearborn, Efq. Cgtbing, Mr.. Edward Killeran, Camden, Mr.. Samuel Jacobs, Angyfa, James Bridge, Efq. Farmingf0n, Supply Belcher, Efq. Penobic0t, Mr.. Pelatiah Freeman, Cqfine, DR.. Oliver Mann.
YUNF {.
His Excellency the Governor, being duly qualified, met the two houles this day, and delivered the following
SPEECH
Gentlemen oftbe Senatr, and
Gentlemen Of The SENATE, and
Ge1tlema" ef'bs HogE Of KfPr5Fntntive5, NOU are now attended, purfuant to = the wife provifcn in our excellent Contribution of civil government, for the Purpofe of making and eGablifhin} iuch wholelome and feafonable ffatute and ordinances as in your judgmcn the welfare Of this Commonwealth fhall require, and for the ncceaary fupport and defence Of the government thereof A delegation highly honorable to your ielves, as well as important TO the com muhity. When this duty is faithfully performed, you cannot fail Of receiving the appreciation and applaufe of your conttituents, whole interelts cannot be forgotten or neglected, becaufe they are 70 infePa1ably connected with your
| Tie lGnumcnt that the officers OF . tree government hare a dLBsreut intersF from that Of the people, whom they repre- tent, to whom they return at the expi- ration Of their Office, divefed of all authority, and fubjea to the COME quenccS Of all the laws and regulations made, while they were velted with the powers OF government. The oppofte petition, | conceive, cannot be main tanned on any other ground, than upon iuppohtion, that the officers Of govern ment, elated by the people, and relpon- fible for their conduct while in Office, will countera6 their own intcrca, in fringe their own rights and liberties, with tho1e of their families and con ne6tions, for the Purpoie of oppreAing the people. A iuppoftion extremely abiurd and unnatural. Therefore hold it an article in my political creed, that the people and their government are inleparably united and that whoever attempts to divide them, cannot be viewed in any other light, than as aim ing blow at the main pillar, on which the whole fuPerffru6ture refs.
The good fenfe Of the American peo- pie, trult will not fuffer them to Iiitcn TO iuggeltions, at once 70 erroneous, and 70 dangerous to the very exifence OF free government, but infead Of countenancing UNREASONABLE jealoufes, will give firm lupPOrt to the con&itu- tional mealures of the government Of | their own choice without which, no people can long enjoy the invaluable bleflings Of fuch a government.
The events Of the prefent day draw our attention from the more local con Germs Of the Commonwealth, To con- template thofe Of ouI nation AZ large.
The Gtuation Of our foreign relations, you are not inlenGble has become criti- cal and alarming, and calls for the Uni ted Wifdom, Decihon and FirmnelS Of the American government and for the uneQuivocal aid and aiiiltance Of each member Of the Union. We were led to hatter OurielveS, that the fyfem of impartial neutrality adopted by the | Executive, and which we have frug | gled 70 long to maintain, would have iheltered us from the caIamitieS incident TO fate Of War.-When the troubles Of Europe commenced, the United States were at peace with the W0rlt. and happy in the reflection that no o. legation compelled them to intermeddIg in their CONTEXT but had every induce ment to avoid it Having wiIely a dopted this fyfem, our government en- deayOred to avoid every juf cauie Of complaint, and when uniultihable de | precautions were committed on our COM mcrce by one of the belligerent powers a treaty opened a way for removing juf grounds Of unealinelS by adiufin
mutual demands. Thus CONTEXT witt that power which then threatened US was happily prevented, and peace an harmony refored: When Gnilar eau
les Of complaint and uneafneES Will another Of thofe powers exiHcd, the PRECEDENT Of the United States, anxiou. TO preicrve the good underfandin. which had 70 long fubffed between the French and American Republics, pur-
ued Gmilar meafures, for the reltora-
ion of amity and friendihiP betweet
hem. Theie overtureS, after a. con ! lcmptuous rejection in the frI infance, from an extreme deGre to remove every reafonablc ground of complaint, were renewed and with what fuccefs, let | the communication from the Enunra
OF the harmony and friendly intercourse which had 1ubflted between the Re publicS, and of his fncere defre to re- fore them to dicul8 candidly the complaints of France, and to offer frankly thofe of the United States ; that he had authorized a review Of ex- iiting treaties, and fuch alterations thereof, as lhaIl confit with the mutual interett and 1atisfa6tion Of the contract ing parties -" AT the fame time warmly exprefing the happinels theY ihould teel, if their exertionS could i'll any degree contribute to reGore that friendfhiP and mutual interchange Of good Offices, which is alike their Win and thor duty to ehed b~sWecn the CT tizonS Of the -wo republics - But n ltoad OF lif~aing to thofc re{pe5,fuI, concilatOry oVertures, cur envoy have been treated with mark. .-zs-+-t7rgN heretofore unknown among cl.iEz-J nations, and exorbi5an. .lu,- 81 -oar- demanded-on what prerc~ce / --1ly not, unIlls it be to compenlate the ci-i- zcnS Of France for the trouble th4y have been put to, in capturing and con- domning our property.
The calarnities Of war, I'VE fncerelyde- Frecate, but are fully Iatished that every effort has been made, fhort Of national dilhonor and degradation, TO prevent them. The United States, contented with the Gation which Heaven has been Pleaied to align them, have no unreal tOnable with for ACKNOWLEDGMENT, no deiire Of cOnqueG or eXtenGon Of ter ritory; but are only folicitQus for peace and that tecuritY to their Property and independence. which the God OF Ma ture hath given them right to claim and ENJOY and while the ears and hearts oI the citizens Of thele States Will always be open to every reaGonable proposition for accommodation BE- Ileve, | am not miltaken in laying, they are determined never TO lubmit to plans OF coercion For they well know that a people united in a iuf caule, and routed by injuries and indignities to re- lentment, cannot be eafly conquered. notwithstanding individual citizens mayha entertained different opinions. as TO the motives aud consequences Of the wars and revolutions in Europe, yet | am confident, they will not difa- gree in one point; mean the neccllity of union among ourtclveS, in order fuc- ce1sfully to defend our liberties and in dependence. Iheic incftimable bIef- llngs have been tranimitted To us intire, ~7T the vittuous fruBgleS of our fathers, who deipiied every danger and encoun-
cred every difficulty in their juf de- -enCe; and 1hould we reign them TO
ny nation on earth, without 9 one
uanly itruggie," ihould We nor be coa-
idered as unfai hful guardians 1T the
acred rult F? Rather let Us ondeavour aonOurably to dilcharge the deot by united efforts 10 traulInit the fair i1
lcritancc unLimin lhed To poitclitv.
In luch a contc,t, all nations WI 5o rs the ju0ice to believe, that nothing hath been omitted on our part, to pre- vent the evils and diltreHes Of war nd that if a fincore deGre to maintain
he rights Of neutrality, and to keep up friendly intercourse with all nations if exemplary moderation and forbear- ence, under accumulated injuries-if he candid and liberal declaration of our Executive, that " if We have COM mitted errors, we will ratify thom''- if the mott fnccrc and reiterated al. tnrnntc ~ Erie-,LLr 11no.c-iatinn al any,,
aggravated by continued nobility on our commerce, can afford ground for claim of the Right Of Defence againt further outrages, that this right Of the United States will remain undiIputed. May we not therefore, if driven to de- fence, with humble confidence. look up to the Supreme 'Arbiter of Nations for his protection and blelling, by granting fucceiS to our exertions againf thofe, who without any juf caufe al lodged, feem to be dilpoled to compel the United States to Withdraw their ffiendhip and become their enemy DO not the faas before the public, iuf- tify the obieryation, that TO feparate the people from their government is mea- fure unremittingly purified, thereby delroying the energy of government, and turning the force Of a nation againf itlelf. What then is the duty of pri- vate citizen Is it not to exert his ut mott ability to counterad 70 dangerous, 70 fatal policy? What more Especially is the duty Of all our contributed au- thorities and iuch of cur fellow citizens as have officially bound themfelves by the mott folemn of all obligations, to fupport the Contribution Of the United States
In this unhappy exigency Of affairs, | recommend TO your immediate con- liberation, the necefary means of de- fence, within this Commonwealth, that they may be ufed with effect, whenever it fhall be confdered necedary by the government Of the United States par ticularly the important ratification on C4jfIe-IQand; this fortrefs, 70 efential TO the defence Of the harbour and town Of Bottom, in cafe Of afault or invafion, requires much labour, and fome ex- pence, to give it that effect in rePelling an enemy, which its very advantageous ftuation would command. Some i'm provements have been made, and with but little c0t TO the Commonwealth !; but to render it capable of internal de- fence, it is necefary fmall work for fecurity againf fmall arms, fhould be contracted in the centre OF the place !; this might be done with great cafe, and at frnali expence, by employing the convi6S on the iland in that iervice.
have the fatisfa6tion to announce to you, that the militia Of this State with the exception of a few corps is in very good order, and capable Of performing fuch fervices as the exigencieS Of the times may politely require j-if, how ever, any thing can be done to make it more efficient, fhall be happy to con- cur with you in the meafure.
will detain you no longer, than TO fuggef to your confederation the expe- diency of providing few heavy BrafS Field Pieces, to be attributed upon the fea-coafs they would be highly uleful in cafe of anault and depreciation from Jingle ihips, as they might be eaGly transported from place to place, as oc- cation may require.-While we indulge the hope that the French Republic may yet alter its meafures refpe6ing the United States, and render thefe Precau- tionary feps unnecedary yet | appre- bend a fenfe Of our duty and interef will not fuffer us to remain unprcpared for difagreeable events, which 70 ftrong- ly threaten the peace of the United States.
In every meafure, which fhall have for its Object the fecurity, peace and PROPERTY of the people of this Com monwealth, fhall be happy in afford ing my mott hearty concurrence.
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