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A GALA LABOR DAY.TWO MONSTER MEETINGS OF WORKMEN.
Knights of Labor and Their Friends at Carll's Opera House—John Swinton Tells Us a Thing or Two—Labor's Steady Advance.
Last Sunday was truly a gala day for New Haven's working people, and was marked by two large labor meetings in Carll's Opera House, attracted by the announcement that John Swinton, of New York, the veteran labor reformer, was to speak.
The Labor Lyceum at Loomis Temple of Music was about to open its session, and listen to a discourse by Labor Commissioner Arthur T. Hadley, when a deputation from the K. of L. meeting at Carll's invited the Lyceum to adjourn to that house, as John Swinton, who was expected to be present in the afternoon, had not arrived. The invitation was accepted by the Lyceum Committee, and the audience notified of the fact. Arrived at the Opera House, a great audience greeted the new comers.
After one or two selections by the Commonweal Glee Club, the Chairman, explaining the absence of Mr. Swinton, introduced Mr. Hadley, who was well received and listened to with close attention. His subject was, "The State and the Labor Question," and was ably discussed from a standpoint, more liberal, it was thought by some, than former speeches were, by the same speaker.
He considered employers' liability for cleanly and well-guarded shops, the payment of wages, contracts for work and hours of labor, all fit subjects for State action. He would not go as far as the Socialists, though he said that "for common good the end can be reached only by common action." "What is needed is concentration on what the State can do rather than on what people think it ought to do. In old times people used to propitiate the gods to relieve them of distress, but that sort of superstition has now been abandoned. Yet we have not abandoned the feeling that some evils can in some measure be wiped out by judicious legislation." That it was not a function of the State to make people happy.
Space forbids a comprehensive synopsis of the Commissioner's remarks, and the criticisms that followed. Several questions by people in the audience were propounded and answered, after which the chairman announced that short speeches would be in order. A citizen of socialistic opinions, referring to Mr. Hadley's remarks regarding the proper functions of the State, said that Socialists did not expect the State to make everyone happy, they aimed to bring into existence a State that would create conditions making it possible for citizens to attain happiness, which, in too many cases, was not possible under the present State. And as to propitiating the gods, why that was done to-day, only the character of the deity was changed. As to employers' liability, if the State were the employer it would be responsible in the highest degree. The speaker thought Mr. Hadley was progressing finely on the path to socialism.
When the Labor Commissioner admitted that socialism was "good in theory" he but echoed the sentiment of Socialists; and when the great mass of American workmen become thoroughly convinced that the idea of a co-operative commonwealth was good in theory, they would find a means to make it good in practice.
Another speaker referred to the Commissioner's report, criticizing it, and concluded his remarks by a tribute to socialism. After Mr. Hadley had briefly replied, in a witty manner to some of the criticisms, the chairman adjourned the meeting, and announced the appearance of John Swinton in the evening without fail.
JOHN SWINTON.
The great house was again filled in the evening to hear the orator from New York, who, as he appeared upon the stage was greeted with tremendous and hearty applause. After a few appropriate remarks by the chairman he was introduced to the audience, which again evinced its pleasure by applauding. For two hours did Mr. Swinton pour forth a volume of earnest eloquence, wit, and startling narrative that charmed, convulsed with laughter, and edified the great gathering of New Haven's pillars of society, the K. of L., and their friends, as well as a goodly number of university men and merchants.
Mr. Swinton expressed his pleasure at "the interest taken by the inhabitants of this humdrum town in the overshadowing topic of the times, and joining hands to take part in the supreme struggle which looks for nothing else than fair play to all mankind. To-night I met a man of elephantine paunch and peanut head who told me that labor had no grievances in this university town. What? Does not the laboring man of New Haven know that the results of his labor go to make the fortunes of others than himself, that he is dependent for all he has on the capitalist, who raises his head in luxury and sweeps his dollars in his coffers all around him? Does he not know that factory lords, land lords and coupon lords have seized the profits of the world, instead of giving the workman the full results of his industry. Such are the grievances the working millions all over the world are grappling with.
I tell you, my friends, it is a most striking and tremendous transforming fact that labor is everywhere organizing. When I was in Ireland several years ago I found labor organized with far-reaching purposes that showed their influence the other day in the house of commons when Gladstone rose to advocate home rule. I found in Ireland the influence of the land league was infinitely greater than that of the English government. Crossing to England I found labor organized there to such an extent that I was astounded, organized among all crafts, all vocations, all trades and all pursuits. I found them led by brave, great men, with my friend Hyndman, a Cambridge graduate, friend of Beaconsfield and leader of the "mob" in Hyde Park the other day. I found the same things in France and in Germany.
"So also in this country you find labor organizing everywhere. When I was a boy in New York the printers were not organized. To-day there are 40,000 of them in the unions. In New York 15? trades of day laborers are organized."
The speaker then gave a short sketch of the Knights of Labor, speaking of them as "a government within a government, wheels within wheels, a great series of congresses built from the town up to the county, the State, the Nation, and legislating for those trades belonging to it." Mr. Swinton described the union of glass-workers, which exerts its influence all over the world and which holds the employer in absolute power. Its men work eight hours a day five days out of seven, and receive the biggest pay of all the trades. Not only that, but the union regulates the output of glass for the whole planet. Under such a despotism one might think the capitalist would quake. "On the contrary," continued the speaker, "they like it. Isn't that funny? This union governs the markets, enables the capitalist to conduct his business with precision and advantage. So it is with the steel workers of Pittsburgh. These hairy-armed, brawny workmen meet the capitalist every week as two emperors who met at Tilsit and divided the world between them. Andrew Carnegie told me that this system means for him peace, order, satisfac-
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A GALA DAY FOR LABOR.
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tion, and said he: I wouldn't employ a non-union man in my shop.
"Now, my friends, this is an interesting fact. But there is another organization that covers the whole United States, that throws its tendrils out all over the world, admitting women, provided they are honest,—a secret body, a nameless body, united under the pledge of fraternity, ruling the industries of this vast country under its magic sway—a body known to the newspaper editors and reporters, who don't know anything, as the K. of L. which opens the portals of its temple which he who hath seen becomes henceforth and forever transformed. It deals with the land question, with the currency question, the relation of capital to labor, grasping all the economic forces as Jupiter grasped the forked lightning. This body is a secret body. Once in New York there were no secret bodies. Now there are 6,000 secret bodies, corporations with that monster Jay Gould at the head. Once the Knights of Labor were opposed to secrecy, but found the only way to fight Satan was by his own brimstone. Their motto is that of the philosopher who wrote that that is the best governed State in which an injury to one is the concern of all, and if anything loftier ever dropped from human lips it was because they were not human.
There is no use in opposing this order, my pumpkin-headed friend; there is no use trying to keep this cyclone down. Join it and help to make it more majestic, more full, every man of you who works with his hands. Young gentlemen of Yale, don't study law, but join the K. of L. and give momentum to this grand gigantic force. It is a uniform rule that the unorganized trade is the worst off. In the same way, organized trade gets higher pay and shorter hours.
"Within the past 20 years the world's mechanical power has risen from 13,000,000 to 30,000,000 horse power," he said, "and that of this country has increased since 1870 from 2,300,000 to 4,500,000 horse power; and has made the battle between men and mechanism more unequal. One horse power equals the labor of 10 men, so that it is seen that the strength of the capitalist has been increased by the capacity of 22,000,000 slaves. This is a fact and can't be argued."
In closing, Mr. Swinton urged organization against this growing mechanical strength. Organization enables the horny-handed masses to unite on those practical issues that concern their lives and welfare, to secure the fruits of their own labor and to grapple with the hideous wrongs of modern times.









































































































































































