sn92053942 1875-01-20 ed-1: segmentation, region by region

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DES MOINES, Jan, 19.—The announcement of the suspension of the Cook County National Bank, of Chicago, caused great regret and surprise in this city, the former home of its President, B. F. Allen. There was a general feeling of confidence in Mr. Allen's ability to meet in full all indebtedness, and this faith was also expressed by resolutions passed at a meeting of business men called for the purpose. Allen's private bank closed as a matter of precaution, but two other banks, of which he is President, remained open as usual.

American Stories

DEs MONIES, Jan, l9.-The anne v " ment Of the suspension OF the Cook

ty National Bank, of Chicago, caused tR J regret and surprise in this city, the

er home of its President, b: i. NTH. There was general feeling OF cont s ,s 9nekte @ WsS 70 in Mr. Aliens ability to meet In ing, thus re- Indebtedness, and this faith was al dssonnset ans pressed by resolutions passed at style OF sns- ing OF business men odieu All IN SIX ! aostoo SS;, q matter of precaution, but two

banks. of which he is President, remained omen as usual.

banks. of which he is President, remained open as usual.

snewpapers

INDIGNATION.

Great Meetings in Boston and Baltimore.

It was ever known throughout the length and breadth of our land as that which was aroused by the tyrannical act of usurpation committed by Grant in Louisiana. During the past two weeks immense meetings have been held in every state, denouncing in no mealy-mouthed words the onslaught upon public liberty and the right of the people to choose their own law-makers.

The ball set in motion by the patriotic people of New York, without regard to party, has rolled over the land gathering force every day, and it is destined to utterly crush out Grant and his miserable tools of tyranny and usurpation. Governors have denounced the outrage and protested against it in proclamations to the people and in messages to legislatures. And legislatures have solemnly and formally protested against the alarming encroachment upon the liberties and rights of the people.

Among the most notable of the meetings held last week were the Faneuil Hall meeting in Boston, and the Masonic Temple meeting in Baltimore.

BOSTON.

In Faneuil Hall, that ancient cradle of liberty, the Hon. Wm. Gray, with a grand array of vice-presidents and secretaries, presided. Mr. Gray, upon taking the chair, was greeted with enthusiastic applause, and after it had subsided he proceeded to speak as follows:

FELLOW CITIZENS:-In the opening month of the centennial year in which we are to celebrate the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, the culmination of those long civil struggles which preceded American independence, we are called upon to take notice of a fact which has no parallel in American history. We must seek under the arbitrary tyranny of the Stuarts of England, or under the iron despotism of Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, for anything to place by the side of that outrage committed in Louisiana on the 4th day of January, 1875. It gives me great pleasure, fellow citizens, to stand in your presence in this hall on an occasion like this. No party ties are to fetter the speech of any one who addresses you to-day. (Applause.) No party fealty can put a check upon the free speech of the citizens of Massachusetts in Faneuil Hall. (Applause.) I am the more glad, fellow-citizens, that this meeting has assembled when I remember that we have two senators in congress whose voices have not been heard—(Applause)—upon this enormous outrage, and further remember that the two leading candidates for the chair of Charles Sumner are now members of the house of representatives, whose voices have been silent. (Applause.) We have been educated in Massachusetts, fellow-citizens, and I trust and feel confident that without the aid and countenance of those to whom we should naturally have looked to as our leaders, we will try to find our own way to the declaration and maintenance of the right. (Applause.)

Fellow-citizens, we all know, and it is so familiar to us that in ordinary times it makes little impression, that the houses of congress and of legislation throughout length and breadth of the land are the sole judges of the qualifications and modes of election of their own members. But we do not always remember through how much toil and struggle those principles were established. If you go back to the time of the discovery of America, and later still, to the landing at Plymouth, you will find that up to that time and within a few years of that landing the chancellor of England, acting under the direction of the King, though ostensibly not doing so, frequently unseated members of parliament by taking advantage of a short absence and ordering a new election. The story of Charles the First and his attempt to expel the five members is familiar to all, and in later days, in the struggle with Cromwell and up to the revolution of 1688, the Commons found themselves the great defenders of the rights of the people.

Severe resolutions were then read, after which the Hon. John Quincy Adams was called out.

SPEECH OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Mr. Adams was received with a warm round of applause and proceeded to address the assembly. He opened by deprecating any feeling of partisanship in connection with the subject, and affirmed that those present had gathered not as members of any party, but as citizens of the United States. He recited at length the circumstances attending the meeting of the Louisiana legislature on the 4th of January, the organization with a legal quorum, the election of a Conservative speaker, the swearing in of five Conservative members who had not received certificates of election from the returning board. The organization was a purely political contest, waged with cunning and sharpness, but no more than had been witnessed in many states of the Union, and the house of representatives of Louisiana, as thus organized, was a legal representative of the people. At this time a general officer of the United States, accompanied by soldiers, marched into the hall, and, producing an order from the governor, proceeded to remove, by force, the five members who had just been seated by the house. It is just at this point, said Mr. Adams, that I wish to arrest your attention. Do not permit yourselves to be diverted from this precise point by any declamation or sophistry. What right had soldiers of the United States to determine who should sit in the legislature of a state? It is nothing to tell me that political passions ran high in the state. It is nothing to aver that many persons had been frightened at the previous election. It is immaterial, if true, that much violence or crime, arising from political passion or prejudice of race, prevailed in the community, nor is it to the purpose even that the five members had been seated by a surprise and voted in in haste. Let it be granted, and still I ask, "What right had the United States soldiers to pass upon the election, qualifications and the return of a state?" "There can be no doubt that here was a usurpation. The constitution permits federal interference at the appeal of the executive of a state 'when the legislature cannot be convened ;' but in this case the legislature was actually sitting. But it was not merely a plain violation of the letter of the fundamental law. The whole tone of the president's message is one of excuse and justification. There is no renunciation of the very thought of such usurpation. The tone of the message is more menacing than the deed it attempts to palliate. The incident we deplore to-day is but a symptom, and such must occur until the radically false relations now existing between the government of the United States and some of the states is removed. The original federates in the Union regarded themselves as free, sovereign and independent states; free to come or not, and the central conception was that the general government was the creation of the states, not they the servants of the central government; but in consequence of the war the conquered states were saddled with the most intolerable system of government in the world. After a time, where opportunity was given, state after state threw off its tainted and incompetent rulers and placed its affairs in the hands of the competent and intelligent classes; but in several ill-starred states, and notably in South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana the enormous preponderance in numbers of the freedmen and the facility with which their natural fears permitted them to be led by crafty and designing adventurers, seemed to postpone indefinitely the restoration of an honest and able administration of the public trust; but such is the inherent force of the republican principle that it became daily more clear that the powers of management, struggle as they would, must eventually fall before the growing force of public opinion within and without those states. This inevitable struggle is going on, must go on, and under a republican system of government, under our old constitutional methods, under the guidance of an intelligent and an honest public opinion, it can end only in the overthrow of such governments as that of the state of Louisiana, because it is not upheld by the effective public opinion of the community. Now, if this government and others like it are to be maintained by force of the United States arms, against all legal efforts of the people to get rid of them, then this precedent which has been made in Louisiana is one eminently fit to be made and it must be speedily followed by others more stringent and effective. Did it never occur to you that the same process of reasoning feeling which now induces you in a moment of excitement to oppose a plain violation of law, may equally induce a Democratic majority, tempted and excited as you are, to accept a corresponding violation of the safeguards upon which alone you can rely to protect the freedmen from an outrage similar to that which we now contemplate. Do you think there will be a less temptation ? Then count the votes the South can throw in a Democratic convention and estimate the power which they must wield in the party councils. I do not believe that they will yield to the temptation; but I do say that you render it almost irresistible when you set them so seductive an example of successful usurpation. Mr. Adams affirmed that the constitution never contemplated that the United States should systematically maintain and prescribe governments in the states. Such work cannot be done except at the price of liberty. He referred to the usurpation of Charles the First and of Cromwell and declared that the logical and inevitable result of a tendency in the public mind to pass lightly over that which has been done in Louisiana in the general government which will sooner or later absorb all independence of the states. This arbitrary act may be defended on the ground that it seems to tend the security of the black race; but this stretch of prerogative in his behalf does him infinite injury. The great revolution in public feeling with regard to the conservatives in Louisiana of late has sprung from sympathy with their sufferings and admiration of the patience with which they have borne them. Massachusetts would not have borne the same. Let it not be erected into a precedent, for it is a precedent which, as George Washington tells you, has always proved fatal to republican government. Such precedents you have seen mark like milestones the broad and easy way which leads to Rome. We stand where the ways part. Adopt this act of the army in Louisiana and we have passed the first milestone on our way to empire. On the other hand stretches the rough and difficult path which our fathers trod. My friends, let us stand fast in the old way, to the end that, as the constitution of Massachusetts hath it, "To the end that it may be a government of laws, and not of men."

Mr. Adams's speech was frequently applauded. Hon. Francis W. Bird spoke next. He said he came as a partisan. He had been one all his life. He belonged to the party (Continued on third page.)

(Continued from second page.)

that made truth and duty its guiding star. This was a party question, and the men, whether at the white house or the custom house, who supported these outrages would go down. He belonged to the party who were going to crush the men who supported this outrage. If this passed unchallenged, farewell, a long farewell, to all our greatness as a free government. He believed the office-holders at Washington were capable of perpetuating their power by getting up a war all over the southern states. (Applause and hisses.) You say "No," he added; see that they don't do it, then.

Several other distinguished men spoke - mostly Republicans, and among them Phillips and Garrison (for they have free speech in Faneuil Hall) against the resolutions. And at the close the resolutions were adopted.

BALTIMORE.

Long before the hour for the meeting an immense concourse gathered in the vicinity of the Masonic Temple, and in a few moments after the doors were thrown open the spacious hall was filled to its utmost capacity. The floor presented the appearance of a compact mass of human heads, while the doorways, the ante-room and the staircases were packed with those anxious even to get a glimpse of the speakers and catch an occasional sentence from their lips. Baltimore has seldom witnessed such an assemblage of representative men. The leading bankers, merchants, lawyers, doctors and clergymen of the city were present, irrespective of party affiliation, and, from the unanimity of sentiment and hearty co-operation displayed, it was evident that all were impressed with the gravity of the situation and the absolute necessity that the people in their majesty should rise to rebuke the outrage perpetrated in Louisiana. A novel feature of the occasion was the presence of a number of ladies in the gallery, who, doubtless, were drawn thither by the prominence and ability of those advertised to speak.

Mayor Van Sant called the meeting to order and Reverdy Johnson was chosen President with a long list of vice presidents and secretaries.

Mr. Johnson was, of course, the central figure on the platform; his great age, his pure life, his patriotism and his wonderful intellect making him the admiration of his countrymen. His speech was a battle axe which will beat the brains out of the ring known as Grantism. With unanswerable reasoning and logic he showed the danger to republican government from the usurpations of Grant and the army.

HIS WARNING VOICE

He said "no occasion has ever occurred in the history of our country of a character more grave than the one which brings us together this evening, it should be considered with solemn seriousness and with all the temperance that our sense of the wrong which has been done to a sister state, and of the inevitable tendency of that wrong to produce a similar one to any other state in the Union, will permit. — Every citizen who has any knowledge of our forms of government and of the principles of freedom upon which they rest, and who is not blinded by party prejudices and a desire to keep in power the men who now control the general government, cannot fail to see that those forms and principles have been grossly violated by the conduct of the military at New Orleans. If such conduct is not sternly rebuked, if it is passed by in silence, it is easy to foresee the political calamities which will result from it. That it will not be passed by in silence and will be sternly rebuked the signs of the times give every assurance. The people are aroused everywhere. — Words of reproach and indignation fill the air. The press of the country, with very few exceptions, with one voice criticise the conduct of the government with a severity of censure never before so universally heard."

He then pointed out the usurping acts and their illegality and Mr. Grant's connection with them.

(Continued on fourth page.)

(Concluded from third page.) THE BANDITTI DISPATCH In regard to Sheridan's "banditti" dispatch he said that, "since civilization favorably progressed under the influence of our christian faith no words ever fell from the lips of any man, civilian or soldier which more outrage every obligation of humanity or exhibit a more fiendish thirst for human blood. Not satisfied with denouncing the people of three states he suggests as you have seen, that if the President will issue a proclamation declaring the parties he refers to "banditti," "no further action need be taken, except that which would devolve upon him!" How he proposed to act, we gather from his dispatch. To arrest and try the ringleaders of what he calls the armed White Leagues. To try them by a military commission. Execution,then,would instantly follow sentence and the cities and villages of three states would be the scenes of a carnage, the horrors of which no imagination can adequately depict. In this recommendation he totally disregards all the guarantees of personal liberty contained in the constitution. Those guarantees are to be found in the amendments which are coeval with the constitution itself, and it is historically certain that,without an assurance that they would be provided, the constitution would not have been ratified. Among them—not to mention them all-are, first the security of the people against seizure of their persons; second, "that no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury," except persons in the military or naval service of the United States; third, that every party charged with a crime is secured a trial "by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed," and this trial by jury was also provided by the original constitution. THE REMEDY. After alluding to various remedies proposed he said the only remedy that is left for the people of the state, as things now are, is to exercise patience, to adopt a masterly inactivity and to rely with confidence, as I think they may, upon the support which they will receive from every patriotic citizen of the United States. I think, too, they may rely upon the moral influence which the constitution itself, as well as the general and intense indignation of the people at the course which has been pursued in regard to them by the executive of the United States.cannot fail to impart. If the existing wrong is persisted in, there are remedies to which congress may resort, These may be extreme, but extreme diseases require extreme treatment. Congress may get rid of the offending General by reorganizing the army and abolishing his office ; or,they may stop the supplies; or, they may use their impeaching power, It is no objection to this last remedy, as far as the Presidential office is concerned, that it proved unavailing in the case of President Johnson. I think I may say with positive certainty that if President Johnson had used the army or sanctioned its use in ejecting from the halls of the legislature of a state any of its members, as has been done in this instance, that act would have been made the subject of one of the articles of impeachment. and, if proven, every member of the court —many of whom are now senators-would have found him guilty. We should be glad to publish the whole speech but want of space prevents. Other powerful speeches were made, among them one by Hon, Wm, Pinckney Whyte, the newly-elected U. S. senator, which was eloquent and argumentative. He closed as follows: Heaven be praised,we have independent and outspoken newspapers to-day! They are the sentinels on the watchtower of liberty. If the people waited for congress or the politicians to warn them of their danger our liberties would be silently and stealthily stolen away; but the independent journals, like the "burglar alarm" at Bay Ridge warns us that the despoiler is at our door.

American Stories

INDIGNATION.

Great Meetings in Boston and 6al'a-

more.

No such outburst of patriotic indignation I was ever known throughout the length and breadth of our land as that which was aroused by the tyrannical act of usurpation committed by Grant in Louisiana. Dur ing the past two weeks immense meetings have been held in every state, denouncing in no mealy- mouthed words the onslaught upon public liberty and the right Of the people to choose their own lawmakers | The ball set in motion by the patriotic peo- | pie of New York, without regard to party | has rolled over the land gathering force every day, and it is destined to utterly crush out Grant and his miserable tools OF tyranny and usurpation. Governors nave denounced the outrage and protested AGAINST IL in proclamations to the people and in messages to legislatures. And leg islatures have solemnly and formally pro- tested against the alarming encroachment upon the liberties and rights of the peo- pie.

Among the most notable Of the meetings held last week were the Faneuil Hall meet ing in Boston, and the Masonic Temple meeting in Baltimore. BOSTON. In Faneuil Hall, that ancient cradle OF liberty, the Hon. WIN. Gray, with grand array of vice presidents and secretaries, presided. Mr. Gray, upon taking the chair, was greeted with enthusiastic ap- plause, and after it had subsidized he pro- ceeded to speak as follows: .l.Ng

FELLOW CITIZENS In the opening month of the centennial year in which we are TO celebrate the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, the elimination OF those long civil struggles which preceded Amer lean independence, we are called upon to take notice of fact which has no parallel in American history We must seek I'M der the arbitrary tyranny of the Stuarts. of England, or under the iron dospotlsm of Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, for any thing to place by the side of that outrage committed in Louisiana ON the 4th day OF January, 1875. 1t gives me great pleas ure, fellow citizens, to stand in your pres ence in this hall on an occasion like this No party ties are to fetter the speech Of any one VINO aQuT6SSeS yOu lO-Udy. NAP plause.) No party fealty can put check upon the free speech of the citizens o. Massachusetts in Faneuil Hall. Applause / am the more glad, fellow citizens, tina this meeting has assembled when remem Der that we have two senators in congress whose voices have not been heard APP plause)-upou this enormous outrage. anC / further remember that the two leading candidates for the chair of Charles Sum ner are now members of the house of rep resentatives at Washington, and that th Tsl yo;oas have been silent. Applause w t..sc' been educated in Massachusetts, fel iow-citizens, and trust and feel con6den that without the aid and countenance q those to whom we should naturally hav looked to as our leaders, we will try to fin our own way to the declaration and mali tenance of the right. (Applause.)

Fellow citizens, we all know, and it is s familiar to us that in ordinary times

makes little impression, that the houses congress and of legislation throughout til length and breadth of the land are the so judges of the qualifications and modes

election of their own members. But v do not always remember through no much toll and struggle those principle were established. If you go back to tt time OF the discovery of America, al later still, to the landing at Plymouth, " will find that up to that time and within few years of that landing the chancellor England, acting under the direction of Il King, though ostensbly not doing so, fir quently unseated members of pariame by taking advantage of short absen and ordering new election. The story Charles the First and his attempt to exp the five members is familiar tn all, and

later days, in the struggle with Cromwell al up to the revolution of 1888, the Comma ers found themselves the great detende of the rights OF the people.

Severe resolutions were then read, aft which the Hon. John Quincy Adams W called out.

SPEECH OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS

Mr.. Adams was received with war round of applause and proceeded to a dress the assembly, He opened by de recating any feeling of partisanshp

connection with the subject, and affirm, that those present had gathered not members of any party, but as citizens the United States. He recited at leng the circumstances attending the meetir of the Louisiana legislature on the 4th

January, the organization with q leg quorum, the election of q Conservati, speaker. the swearing in of five Conserv tive members who had not received certi Gates of election from the returning boar The organization was a purely polite contest, waged with cunning and shar1 ness, but no more than had been witnesst in many states of the Union, and the hou of representatives of Louisiana, as tn, organized. was legal representative

the people. At this time q general of Ger of the United States, accompanied | soldiers, marched into the hall, and, Or ducing an order from the governor, Or ceeded to remove, by force, the five men bers who had just been seated by IL house. 1t is just at this point, said NJ Adams, that wish to arrest your atte ton. Do not permit yourselves to be d verted from this precise point BY ar defamation or sophistry. What right hs soldiers of the United States to determir who should sit in the legislature of stat 1t is nothing to tell me that political pa sions ran high in the state, It is notl ing to aver that many persons had bee frightened at the previous election. 1t immaterial, iftrue, that much violence crime, arising from political passion prejudice OF race, prevailed in the con munity, nor is 1t to the purpose even-th, the five members had been seated by surprise and voted in in haste Let it / granted, and still ask, What right ha the United States soldiers to pass upo the election, qualifications and the return of state?' There can be no doubt th, here was q usurpation. The constitutio permits federal interference at the anne,

ln or not, and the cenLrhl COnceptlOn was that the general government was the crea- ton of the states, not they the servants of tie central government; but in conse- auence of the war the conquered states were saddled with the most intolerable system of government in the world. After a time, where opportunity was given, state after state threw off its tainted and incom- petent rulers and placed its affairs in the hands of the competent and intelligent classes; but in several ill-starred states,

and notably in South Carolina, Mississippi

and Louisiana the enormous preponder- | ance in numbers of the freedmen and the |

facility with which their natural fears per |

mitted them to be led by crafty and de-

signing adventures, seemed to postpone indefinitely the restoration of an honest and able administration of the public trust

but such is the inherent force OF the re- publican principle that it became daily

more clear that the powers OF management,

struggle as they would, must eventually | fall before the growing force of public opinion within and without those states. | This inevitable struggle is going on, must | 90 on, and under republican system of ! government, under our old constitutional methods, under the guidance of an intelli

gent and an honest public opinion, it can end only in the overthrow of such govern ments as that of the state of Louisiana, be-

cause it is not upheld by the effective pub

lie opinion of the community. Now, if this government and others like it are to be

maintained by force of the United States

arms, against all legal efforts of the peo- pie to get rid of them, then this precedent

which has been made in Louisiana is one eminently fit to be made and it must be speedily followed by others : more stringent and effective. Did it never

occur to you that the same process OF rea- } soning feeling which now induces you in

moment of excitement to oppose a plain

violation of law, may equally induce a Democratic majority, tempted and excited

rs you are, to accept corresponding vlo-

llatiop of the safeguards upon which alone g Won can rely to protect the freedmen from /, an outrage similar to that which we now ! contemplate. Do you think there will be , less temptation ? Then count the votes o the South can throw in Democratic con

vention and estimate the power which they must WELD in the party councils. DO not : believe that they will yield to the tempta-

tion but do say that you render 1t al , most irresistible when you set them so = seductive an example of successful usurp- n alton. MIR. Adams affirmed that the con- . stitution never contemplated that the Uni. :. ted States should Systematically maintain q and prescribe governments in the states j Such work cannot be done except at the !. price of liberty. He referred To the J. Iusurpation of Charles the First and O n Cromwell and declared that the logical anC v inevitable result of tendency in the pub re- lie mind to pass lightly over that which If has been done in Louisiana in the genera A. government which will sooner or later alb s. sorb all independence of the states Thl $. arbitrary act may be defended on tn Of ground that it seems to tend the securit o. Of the black race but this stretch of pre- * rogative in his behalf does him infinite in Of jury. The great revolution in public fee u ing with regard to the conservatives at Louisiana of late has sprung from sympa a. thy with their suferings and admiratio IS of the patience with which they have born D them. Massachusetts would not hav nd borne the same. Let it not be erecte lg into precedent, for it is a preceder %, which, as George w Washington tells yol always pSEDvsSd n fatal to hep pe Seen mark like milestones the broad an ell. easy way which leads to Rome. We stan mt where the ways part Adopt this act of the army in Louisiana and we have passe We the first milestone on our way to empir nd On the other hand stretches the rough an in difficult path which our fathers trod. N

friends, let US stand fast in the old wa, so to the end that, as the constitution of Ma

it sachusetts hath it, ITO the end that

of may be government of laws, and not he men"

ole Mr.. Adams speech was frequently a

of plauded.

we Hon. Francis W. Bird spoke next. | ow cold bo oo,,o 90 n n.r,;son uab.d no the one all his life. He belonged to the par md Continued on third pagel

Continued from second page. J

IT, Continued from second page.l

that made truth and duty its guiding star. This was party question, and the men, whether at the white house or the custom house, who supported these outrages would go down. He belonged to the party who were going to crush the men who sup ported this outrage. If this passed I'M challenged farewell, long farewell to all our greatness as free government he believed the office holders at Washington were capable of perpetuating their power by getting up war all over the southern states. Applause and Kisses. You say mo" he added ;i.see that they don do it, then ,ssn4 ~ a- " 3I7

Several other distinguished men spoke mostly Republicans, and among them Phillips and Garrison (for they have free speech in Faneui Hall) against the resolu- tons. And at the close the resolutions were adopted.

BALTIMORE.

Long before the hour for the meeting an immense concourse gathered in the vicinity of the Masonic Temple, and in few mo- ments after the doors were thrown open the spacious hall was filed to its utmost capacity. The floor presented the appear ance of compact mass of human heads, while the doorways, the ante-room and the staircases were packed with those anxious even to get glimpse of the speakers and catch an occasional sentence from their lips. Baltimore has seldom witnessed such an assemblage Of representative men. | The leading bankers, merchants, lawyers, doctors and clergymen of the city were present, irrespective of party utilization, and, from the unanimity of sentiment and hearty cooperation displayed, it was evil dent that all were impressed with the gravity of the situation and the absolute necessity that the people in their majesty should rise to rebuke the outrage perpe- trated in Louisiana. A novel feature of the occasion was the presence of number of ladies in the gallery, who. doubtless, were drawn thither by the prominence and ability of those advertised to speak.

Mayor Van SAINT called the meeting te order and Reverdy Johnson was chosen President with long list of vice presidents and secretaries. a-.5. Mr.. johnson was, of course, the centra figure on the platform his great age, hi: pure life, his patriotism and his wonderful intellect making him the admiration of hi. countrymen His speech was battle AK which will beat the brains out of the rim, known as Grantism. With unanswerabl, reasoning and logic he showed the DANCE to republican government from the usurpa tons of Grant and the army.

HIS WARNING VOICE

He said no occasion has ever occurred in the history of our country of eharac ter more grave than the one which bring us together this evening, it should be con sidered with solemn seriousness and will all the temperance that our sense of thu wrong which has been done to a siste state. and of the inevitable tendency o that wrong to produce similar one to an. other state in the Union, will permit Every citizen who has any knowledge 0 our forms OF government and of the princi pies of freedom upon which they rest, an who is not blinded by party prejudices an desire to keep in power the men VIII now control the general government, can not fail to see that those forms and primo pies have been grossly violated by the cor | duct of the military at New Orleans. such conduct is not sternly rebuked, if it a passed by in silence, it is easy to forese E the political calamities which will resu from it. That it will not be passed by silence and will be sternly rebuked tn signs of the times give every assurance The people are aroused everywhere.

Words of reproach and indignation fill tt air. The press of the country, with very fe ! exceptions, with one voice criticlse the col . duct Of the government with severely

censure never before so universally heard

He then pointed out the usurping acts ar

their illegalitv and Mr. Grants connectit ), with them.

Continued on fourth page.)

Concluded from third page. J

THE BANDITTI DISPATCH.

In regard to Sheridan's 'banditti' dis l. patch he said that, ''since civilization ia vorably progressed under the influence of our christian faith no words ever fell from the lips of any man, civilian or soldier which more outrage every obligation OF humanity or exhibit more fiendish thirst

for human blood. Not satisfied with de-,

nouncing the people Of three states he sug-

gests as you have seen, that if the Presi- dent will issue a proclamation declaring the | narties he refers to ''banditti, mo further action need be taken, except that which would devolve upon him !" How he pro- posed to act, we gather from his dispatch. Ito arrest and try the ringleaders OF what , he calls the armed White Leagues. 10

try them by military commission. Exc cution. theu. would instantly follow sentence and the cities and villages of three states = would be the scenes Of carnage, the nor

rors of which no imagination can adequate e " depict. In this recommendation ne TO- e tallv disregards all the guarantees OF per-

sonal liberty contained in the constitution. n Those guarantees are to be found 10 the IT amendments which are coeval with the CON

stitution ITSELF and it is historically certain ? % that without an assurance that they Woulo =. be provided, the constitution would not f. have been ratified. Among them-not to

mention them all-are, first the security !, of the people against seizure OF their per &c sons; second, that no person shall oe ~ ~, held to answer for capital or otherwise 70 Infamous crime unless on presentment OF = indictment of a grand jury, except per OF sons in the military or naval service OF th' III hot ST. charged with a crime is secured trla gn by an impartial jury of the state and dis ut trict wherein the crime shall have beel

committed" and this trial by jury was al ng so provided by the original constitution. "a, THE REMEDY.

;, After alluding to various remedies pre- all posed he said the only remedy that is lei

for the people of the state, as things no Ids are, is to exercise patience, to adopt Is; mastery inactivity and to rely with conf II dence, as l think they may. upon the SUI wv port which they will receive from every p

triotic citizen of the United States L thin uis too, they may rely upon the moral ind ad- ence which the constitution itself, as We "a as the general and intense indignation 10 the people at the course which has be-

pursued in regard to them by the exec

tive of the United States. cannot fail to il a part. If the existing wrong is perseyer' Vi in, there are remedies to which congre 3g may resort. These may be extreme, b I Ien extreme diseases require extreme tres IL ment. Congress may get rid of the offer

ing General by recognizing the army a re- abohshing his Office !; or,they may stop her, supplies; or, they may use their impeae

to ing power. 1t is no objection to this Ii who remedy, as far as the Presidential office ted. concerned, that it proved unavailing in cad, case OF President johnson. think N

say with positive certainty that it Pre- ans dent johnson had used the army or sa ruth toned its use in ejecting from the halls ured the legislature of state any OF its me We bers, as has been done in this instan ouse that act would have been mace the s. rary ject of one of the articles of impeachme " alt and, if proven, every member of the co

many of whom are now senators-Wo mort have found him guilty.

ming We should be glad to publish the VIII !, too. speech but want of space prevents. ores, Other powerful speeches were ma over over among them one by Hon, VIM, Pinck sion Whyte, the newiy-elected .. S. sena pro- which was eloquent and argumentat

He closed as follows:

from Heaven be praised. we have independ unity, and ontsnoken newsnapers TODAY T large are the sentinels ON the watchtower of been erty. IF the people waited for congress I'm OF the politicians to warn them of their d and ger nnr liberties would he silently

His stealtbilv stolen awav but the inder rents dent journals, like the burglar alarm nu Bay Ridge warns US that the despoile

at our door.

snewpapers

Bank Suspension. As will be seen from the following card from B. F. Allen, Esq'r, the President of the Cook county National Bank, of this city, that institution has gone in voluntary liquidation: THE COOK COUNTY NATIONAL BANK OF CHICAGO, Chicago, January 19, 1875, I regret to inform the public that this bank has been compelled to temporarily close its business. Promised and expected aid was refused at the last moment. I can assure depositors that no loss can occur to them, their payment being only a question of time. For this reason, the shareholders of this bank have decided to go into voluntary liquidation, as provided in such cases by the National Currency act. B.F.ALLEN, President. We greatly regret the embarrassment that has come upon the Cook county National and its esteemed President. Mr. Allen came to Chicago from Iowa in June, 1873, having purchased a controlling interest in that bank, and at once became its President. Shortly afterwards came the great panic, which he weathered bravely and successfully at the time, but from the effects of which he never fully recovered, and his present embarrassments are traceable to that disastrous event. The bank having now gone into liquidation, by vote of its stockholders, its affairs will, it is probable, be speedily wound up, and its depositors paid in full. Mr. Allen expresses his entire confidence in his ability to settle with all his creditors and the creditors of the bank without loss to any, and that he will in the end be left with a very handsome individual property,-Chicago Journal, 19th.

American Stories

Bank Suspeusiou.

AS will be seen from the following card from b. F. Allen, Esq'r, the President of the Cook county National Bank, of this city, that institution has gone in voluntary liquidation

The Cook COUNTY NATIONAL BANK.

VT ShLt AHps CHICAGO. January 10. 1873.

lHE COOK COUNTY NATIONAL bANk

OF CHICAGO.

CHICAGO, January 49, 1879 / regret o inform the public that this bank has been compelled to temporarily close its business.- Promised and expected aid was refused at the last moment. i can assure depositors that no loss can occur TO them, their payment being only question of time.

For this reason, the shareholders Of this bank have decided 10 go into voluntary liquidation, as provided in such cases by the National Currency act. ID. F. ALLEN, President. We greatly regret the embarrassment that has come upon the Cook county Ma tional and it's esteemed President Mr.. Allen came to Chicago from Iowa in June, 1873, having purchased controlling inter. est in that bank, and at once became its President, Shortly afterwards came the great panic, which he weathered bravely and successfully at the time, but from the eff fects of which he never fully recovered, and his present embarrassments are trace able to that disastrous event. The bank having now gone into liquidation, by vote of its stockholders, its affairs will, it is probable, be speedily wound up, and its depositors paid in full. Mr.. Allen ex- presses his entire confidence in his ability to settle with all his creditors and the creditors of the bank without loss to any, and that he will in the end be left with a very handsome individual property,-Chi- ca0o Journal, 18th.

snewpapers

—Gates, the jolly Freeport landlord, says his three hundred and forty dollar investment in the Japs to help them start out, was a clear case of sympathy. There were no pretty women among the Japs to act on his feelings, nor was there any "confidence" game, for he knew they had nothing—he kept them and helped them in getting started on the supposed honor of the management. But "some of the oldest and best informed inhabitants have often been mistaken"—he was, for he has kept hotel for twenty years, and still he got "stuck." He knows what he is going to do. He will propose to toss a copper and see whether he shall have Ben Harper's claim against the Worrell Sisters or whether Harper shall have his claim against the Japs. "Mebby" Dr. Burtis would like a toss in the game.

American Stories

Gates, the jolly Freeport landlo

says his three hundred and forty dollar card vestment in the Japs to help them st It of out, was clear case of sympathy. TIL this were no pretty women among the Japs tary act on his feelings, nor was there any &C

fidence' game, for he knew they had nc ing-he kept them and helped them 10 ( ting started on the supposed honor of ; has management. But some of the old sss.- and best informed inhabitants have of , last last been mistaken he was, for he has k st ION hotel for twenty years, and still he

..stnck y He Ennms what he is pninr

Gates, the jolly Freeport landlord, says his three hundred and forty dollar in vestment in the Japs to help them start out, was clear case of sympathy. There were no pretty women among the Japs to act on his feelings, nor was there any con fidence'' game, for he knew they had moth ing-he kept them and helped them in get ting started on the supposed honor of the management. But some of the oldest and best informed inhabitants have often been mistaken "-he was, for he has kept hotel for twenty years, and still he got

stuck" He knows what he is going to do. He will propose to toss copper and see whether he shall have Ben Harper s claim against the Worrell Sisters or whetb- er Harper shall have his claim against the Japs "Mebby'' DR. Burtis would ike a toss in the game.